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Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 57, No. 4, 2001, pp. 829­849

On the Nature of Contemporary Prejudice: The Third Wave

John F. Dovidio*

Colgate University

This article examines how social and historical developments have influenced the intellectual climate surrounding the study of prejudice and illustrates how these advances are reflected in the study of one type of racial bias, aversive racism. Three waves of research are identified. In the first wave, prejudice was assumed to reflect psychopathology. In the second, it was viewed as rooted in normal processes. The third wave emphasizes the multidimensional aspect of prejudice and takes advantage of new technologies to study processes that were earlier hypothesized but not directly measurable. Research on aversive racism is presented to demonstrate the transition of research across the second and third waves and to show how unconscious biases can significantly influence race relations. Prejudice is commonly defined as an unfair negative attitude toward a social group or a person perceived to be a member of that group. Racism is related to concepts such as prejudice, but it is a more encompassing term (Jones, 1997). As Feagin and Vera (1995) explain, "Racism is more than a matter of individual prejudice and scattered episodes of discrimination" (p. ix); it involves a widely accepted racist ideology and the power to deny other racial groups the "dignity, opportunities, freedoms, and rewards" that are available to one's own group through "a socially organized set of ideas, attitudes, and practices" (p. 7). The nature and expression of prejudice and racism, however, depend on a number of dynamic processes. This article examines how social and historical developments have

*Correspondence concerning this artricle should be addressed to John F. Dovidio, Department of Psychology, Colgate University, Hamilton, NY 13346 [e-mail: [email protected]]. This article is based on the SPSSI Presidential Address presented at the meeting of the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, June 2000, in Minneapolis, MN. I gratefully acknowledge Sam Gaertner's contributions to the ideas presented in the article and his comments on an earlier version of the work. I also thank Irene Hanson Frieze for her helpful comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of the manuscript. Preparation of this manuscript was supported by NIMH grant no. MH 48721. 829

© 2001 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues

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influenced the intellectual climate surrounding the study of prejudice and illustrates how these advances are reflected in the study of one type of racial bias, aversive racism (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Kovel, 1970). As contemporary psychological research illustrates, the expression of racial prejudice and intergroup bias more generally is sensitive to norms in the immediate social context (e.g., Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; McConahay, 1986), a perceiver's goals and motivations (e.g., Fiske & Neuberg, 1990), and the actions of a target person (e.g., Katz, Wackenhut, & Hass, 1986). The factors shaping the expression of prejudice also extend far beyond the immediate interaction between a particular perceiver and target. Prejudice serves a range of individual, group, and social functions. As a consequence, the nature and expression of prejudice are shaped by history, politics, and economics, as well as by the individual-level factors that social psychologists typically study in the laboratory. Ultimately prejudice and racism are embedded fundamentally in people's group identities (Tajfel, 1970) and in a society's institutions and its culture (Jones, 1997). The social and historical forces that shape prejudice and racism also influence the orientation from which psychologists study these phenomena. Duckitt (1992), for example, identified decade-by-decade shifts in how psychologists approached the study of prejudice in the 20th century. In the remainder of this article, historical trends in the study of prejudice are first considered. Three general theoretical "waves" of research on prejudice over the past century are identified. Then, in the two sections that follow, studies of aversive racism are reviewed to illustrate the second and the third waves of research and to highlight recent advances in the study of prejudice. The concluding section considers the practical and theoretical implications of these developments. Trends in the Social Psychological Study of Racial Prejudice: Three Waves Building on Duckitt's (1992) insightful analysis historical trends in the study of prejudice from 1920 to 1990 and extending it with the benefit of experiencing another decade of research, I propose that we can identify three general "waves" of scholarship, reflecting different assumptions and paradigms, in the social psychological study of racial prejudice. The first wave, which characterizes Duckitt's summaries of research from the 1920s through the 1950s, represents prejudice as psychopathology. Prejudice was seen as not simply a disruption in rational processes, but as a dangerous aberration from normal thinking. As McConahay (1986) remarked, "Hitler [gave] racism a bad name" (p. 121). By the 1950s, prejudice was viewed as a social problem, in many ways a type of social cancer. The research during this wave focused first on measuring and describing the problem and monitoring the changes (e.g., Gilbert, 1951; Katz & Braly, 1933) and then on understanding the source of the problem (e.g., in family relations, feelings

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of personal inadequacies, and psychodynamic processes; e.g., Adorno, FrenkelBrunswik, Levinson, & Sanford, 1950). One implication of this approach is that if the problem, like a cancerous tumor, can be identified and removed or treated, the problem will be contained, and the rest of the system will be healthy. This perspective thus led to a concentrated focus on identifying, through personality and attitude tests such as the authoritarian personality scales, who is prejudiced. If it could be determined who was prejudiced and efforts at addressing the problem could be focused on this subset of the population, the rest of society could be expected to function fairly. This approach also directed attention toward a section of the population that was traditional, conservative, and not highly educated--a group that was quite unlike the academics who were studying prejudice. The second wave of theorizing and research began with an opposite assumption: Prejudice is rooted in normal rather than abnormal processes. Thus, the focus turned to how normal processes associated with socialization and social norms can support prejudice and aid in its transmission. Changing social norms can thus also be an important force for addressing prejudice not simply in a rare subset of individuals, but also among members of the society more generally (Pettigrew, 1958). The traditional focus of social psychology in North America on the individual in a social context was complemented by two other approaches in the 1970s. On the one hand, at a more macro level, Tajfel's work (e.g., Tajfel & Turner, 1979) persuasively demonstrated the important role of social identity, as well as individual identity, in the processes underlying prejudice. Evidence of bias in the minimal intergroup paradigm (Brewer, 1979; Tajfel, 1970), in which the assignment of people to groups often based on arbitrary criteria was sufficient to produce prejudices in favor of members of one's own group and sometimes against members of another group, reinforced the emerging conception of prejudice as a normal mechanism for raising self-esteem. On the other hand, at a more micro level, the development of new theories and instrumentation that supported research in social cognition further emphasized the normality, and some would argue the inevitability, of prejudice. Prejudice, stereotyping, and bias were conceived as outcomes of normal cognitive processes associated with simplifying and storing information of overwhelming quantity and complexity that people encounter daily (see Hamilton, 1981). To the extent that social categorization was hypothesized to be a critical element in this process (Hamilton & Trolier, 1986), this cognitive, intraindividual perspective complemented Tajfel's motivational, group level approach in reinforcing the normality of prejudice. Together, these orientations helped to divert the focus away from the question, Who is prejudiced? After all, to the extent that the processes underlying prejudice are intertwined with normal cognitive processes and group life, as well as personal needs and motivations, bias would be expected to be pervasive--to be the norm. The issue thus turned to bias among the "well-intentioned" and to the apparent

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inconsistencies between the self-reported attitudes of White Americans indicating that the vast majority were nonprejudiced and the continued evidence of racial disparities and discrimination (see Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986). The key question therefore became, Who is truly not prejudiced? Theories of racial ambivalence (Katz et al., 1986) and of subtle and unintentional types of biases, such as symbolic racism (Sears, 1988), modern racism (McConahay, 1986), and aversive racism (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Kovel, 1970) emerged during this period. The metaphor of a wave of research is a particularly appropriate one here. From a distance, it is difficult to discern where one wave begins and another one ends. Although distinct and identifiable in many ways, the beginning of one wave is intimately connected to the end of an earlier one. Similarly, the second wave of research on prejudice has its beginnings within the first wave. In the 1950s, the work of Sherif and his colleagues (Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, & Sherif, 1954) in the Robber's Cave study, in which prejudice and hostility between two groups of boys at summer camp were aroused through competition and then alleviated through the pursuit and attainment of shared, superordinate goals, demonstrated the connection between prejudice and realistic, functional relationships between groups. The ideas Allport (1954/1958) expressed in his classic book, The Nature of Prejudice, anticipated many of the important theoretical developments typically associated with later research. He identified the central role of categorization, particularly in terms of the distinction between ingroups and outgroups, which became the cornerstone for social-cognitive (Hamilton, 1981) and social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) approaches to prejudice. Allport (1954/1958) wrote, "The human mind must think with the aid of categories" (p. 19), and he added that "in-groups are psychologically primary. . . . Hostility toward out-groups helps strengthen our sense of belonging but it is not required" (p. 41; see also Brewer, 1979). Allport recognized the importance of social structure and cultural values in the expression of prejudice (see, for example, p. 202), and he suggested how different cultural, social, and psychological forces could produce "inner conflict in the person harboring prejudice . . . denial . . . [and] rationalization" (p. 316). The third wave of research on prejudice, which began in the mid-1990s and characterizes much of the current research, emphasizes the multidimensional aspect of prejudice and takes advantage of new technologies to study processes that were earlier hypothesized but not directly measurable. For example, whereas aversive racism, modern racism, and symbolic racism approaches to contemporary prejudice assumed the existence of widespread unconscious negative feelings and beliefs by Whites toward Blacks, new conceptual perspectives (e.g., Greenwald & Banaji, 1995) and technologies (e.g., response latency procedures; Dovidio & Fazio, 1992; Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) were developed to understand and measure implicit (i.e., automatic and unconscious) attitudes and beliefs. These new technologies permit the assessment of individual differences in implicit, as well as explicit, racial attitudes and may thus help distinguish traditional racists from

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aversive or modern racists from truly nonprejudiced Whites. They also open doors for developing approaches to combat subtle forms of prejudice. The adaptation of functional magnetic resonance imaging procedures to studying social phenomena promise further links to cognitive neuropsychological processes and a more comprehensive, interdisciplinary, and multidimensional understanding of prejudice (Phelps et al., 2000). Besides addressing the multidimensional intrapersonal processes associated with prejudice and racism, the current wave of research considers the interpersonal and intergroup context more explicitly. That is, whereas previous research focused largely on the nature of attitudes of the perceivers (i.e., of Whites) and the relationship of these attitudes to the evaluations, decisions, and actions of the perceivers, work in the third wave considers the responses and adaptations of targets and the consequences of prejudice in the interactions between perceivers and targets. Targets are no longer considered to be passive victims of bias. Years ago, Allport (1954/1958) posed the question, "What would happen to your personality if you heard it said over and over again that you are lazy and had inferior blood?" (p. 42). And then he answered, "Group oppression may destroy the integrity of the ego entirely, and reverse its normal pride, and create a groveling self-image" (p. 152). Although current work does demonstrate that Blacks have internalized to some extent the social biases of Whites and that these biases may be reflected in implicit racial stereotypes of Blacks (Johnson, Trawalter, & Dovidio, 2000) that can become activated in the absence of interaction with Whites and can have important detrimental consequences under appropriate circumstances (Steele, 1997), the consequences of stigmatization are now understood to be more dynamic and complex (see Crocker & Quinn, 2001; Miller & Major, 2000). Recent volumes consider in detail the ways that Blacks and other targets of prejudice adapt to and cope with stigmatization (Heatherton, Kleck, Hebl, & Hull, 2000; Oyserman & Swim, 2001; Swim & Stangor, 1998). The remainder of this article presents research on aversive racism to illustrate the types of research that characterize the second and third waves, those within my professional lifetime, and to provide a personal case study of the evolution of scholarship in this area. Because this article represents my presidential address for The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues (SPSSI), it is a soleauthored piece. Nevertheless, the work on aversive racism described in this article involves collaborations with more than 50 students and colleagues. I am most indebted to one: Sam Gaertner, my mentor, friend, and colleague. Our ideas and work are intertwined and inseparable, and I gratefully acknowledge his contributions to this article. Aversive Racism: The Second Wave Aversive racism is hypothesized to be a subtle, contemporary form of racial prejudice. In part because of changing norms and the Civil Rights Act and other

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legislative interventions that have made discrimination not simply immoral but also illegal, overt expressions of prejudice have declined significantly over the past 35 years (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998; Schuman, Steeh, Bobo, & Krysan, 1997). Contemporary forms of prejudice, however, continue to exist and affect the lives of people in subtle but significant ways (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986). For these more subtle, contemporary forms of prejudice, bias is expressed in indirect, often unintentional ways. Nevertheless, the consequences of these prejudices (e.g., the restriction of economic opportunity) may be as significant for people of color and as pernicious as those of the traditional, overt form of discrimination (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Sears, 1988). The work my colleagues and I have conducted mainly considers the influence of contemporary racial biases of Whites toward Blacks because of the central role that racial politics has played in the history of the United States. Nevertheless, we note that many of the findings and principles we discuss extend to biases toward other groups (e.g., Hispanics) as well (Dovidio, Gaertner, Anastasio, & Sanitioso, 1992). In addition, although much of the evidence in support of the aversive racism framework has been obtained in studies of college students (who are generally more liberal than the public at large; Hodson, Dovidio, & Gaertner, in press), the genesis of the framework, both theoretically and empirically, relied on analyses of adult populations (Gaertner, 1973; Kovel, 1970). Also, the principles of the framework are consistent with the operation of subtle and blatant prejudices toward immigrants exhibited by representative samples of European respondents (Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995) and with archival evidence of racial disparities in the United States in industry, the military, and the federal government (see Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998). The Nature of Aversive Racism In contrast to approaches in the first wave of research that emphasized the psychopathology of prejudice, the negative feelings and beliefs that underlie contemporary forms of bias may be rooted in normal, often adaptive, psychological processes. These processes involve both individual factors (such as cognitive and motivational biases and socialization) and intergroup functions (such as realistic group conflict or biases associated with the mere categorization of people into ingroups and outgroups). These negative biases may occur spontaneously, automatically, and without the full awareness of the person who possesses them (see Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998). Many contemporary approaches to prejudice based on race, ethnicity, or sex acknowledge the persistence of overt, intentional forms of prejudice but also consider the role of these unconscious biases and the consequent indirect expressions of bias. With respect to the racial prejudice of White Americans toward Blacks, for

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example, in contrast to "old-fashioned" racism, which is blatant, aversive racism represents a subtle, often unintentional form of bias that characterizes many White Americans who possess strong egalitarian values and who believe that they are nonprejudiced. Aversive racists also possess negative racial feelings and beliefs (which develop through normal socialization or reflect social categorization biases) of which they are unaware or which they try to dissociate from their nonprejudiced self-images. Because aversive racists consciously endorse egalitarian values, they will not discriminate directly and openly in ways that can be attributed to racism; however, because of their negative feelings they will discriminate, often unintentionally, when their behavior can be justified on the basis of some factor other than race (e.g., questionable qualifications for a position). Thus, aversive racists may regularly engage in discrimination while they maintain a nonprejudiced self-image. We have found consistent evidence in support of the aversive racism framework across a broad range of situations (see Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986). The next sections describe two examples, one early and the other recent, of this line of research. Emergency Intervention In one of the early tests of our framework (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1977), we modeled a situation in the laboratory after a classic study by Darley and Latané (1968) of diffusion of responsibility. The Darley and Latané research was inspired by an incident in the mid-1960s in which 38 people witnessed the stabbing of a woman, Kitty Genovese, without a single bystander intervening to help. The researchers reasoned that when a person is the only witness to an emergency, the bystander bears 100% responsibility for helping and 100% of the guilt and blame for not helping. The appropriate behavior in this situation, helping, is clearly defined. If, however, a person witnesses an emergency but believes that somebody else is available who can help or will help, then that bystander's personal responsibility is less clearly defined. Under these circumstances, the bystander could rationalize not helping by coming to believe that someone else will intervene. Consistent with their predictions, Darley and Latané found in their experiment that bystanders were significantly less likely to help a person apparently having an epileptic seizure when they believed that there were other witnesses to the emergency than when they believed that they were the only witness. Like Darley and Latané (1968), we led some of our participants to believe that they would be the only witness to an emergency, whereas we led others to believe that there would be two other people present in this situation who heard the emergency as well (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1977). As a second dimension, we varied the race of the victim. In half of the cases the victim was White; in the other half the victim was Black. The participants in the study were White, as were the other two people who were sometimes presumed to be present.

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We predicted that when people were the only witness to the emergency, aversive racists would not discriminate against the Black victim. In this situation, appropriate behavior is clearly defined. Refusing to help a Black victim could easily be interpreted, by oneself or others, as racial bias. We predicted, however, that because aversive racists have unconscious negative feelings toward blacks, they would discriminate when they could justify their behavior on the basis of some factor other than race, such as the belief that someone else would help the victim. Specifically, we expected that Blacks would be helped less than Whites only when White bystanders believed that there were other witnesses to the emergency. The results of the study supported our predictions. When White bystanders were the only witness to the emergency, they helped very frequently and equivalently for Black and White victims (95% vs. 83%). There was no evidence of old-fashioned racism. In contrast, when White bystanders were given an opportunity to rationalize not helping on the basis of the belief that the other witnesses could intervene, they were less likely to help, particularly when the victim was Black. When participants believed that there were two other bystanders, they helped the Black victim half as often as they helped the White victim (38% vs. 75%). As we hypothesized, the nature of the situation determines whether discrimination does or does not occur. These effects have been conceptually replicated in a range of studies from the late 1970s to the present (see Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998; Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986). Selection Decisions Subsequent research (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000) was designed to extend the research on aversive racism by exploring its potential effects in more everyday situations of potential discrimination, in this case, on hiring recommendations for a Black or White candidate for a position as a peer counselor. The study examined the hypothesis, derived from previous research within the aversive racism framework, that bias against Blacks will be more likely to be manifested when the appropriate decision is unclear, for example, because of ambiguous evidence about whether the candidate's qualifications meet employment criteria, than when the appropriate response is perceived to be well-defined. In this study, we asked participants to evaluate candidates for a position in an ostensibly new program for peer counseling at their university on the basis of excerpts from an interview. We developed three candidate profiles: one reflected strong qualifications (pretested as being accepted about 85% of the time), one represented weak qualifications (pretested as being accepted about 15% of the time), and the third involved moderate and marginally acceptable qualifications (pretested as being accepted about 50% of the time). Participants evaluated a single candidate who was identifiable as Black or White from information in the excerpt. We predicted that bias against Black applicants would be strongest when the match

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between the candidate's qualifications and the position criteria was least clear: in the moderate qualifications condition. The data collected in this study also permitted an examination of potential changes in racism over time, both in terms of aversive racism, as reflected in the pattern of hiring recommendations, and overt racism, as represented by responses on a self-report prejudice scale. In particular, the cross-sectional data represented the responses of students to the same materials during the 1988­89 and the 1998­99 academic years. Although overt forms of racism have exhibited significant decreases over time (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998), aversive racism may be more persistent. We have argued, for instance, that "like a virus that has mutated, racism has also evolved into different forms that are more difficult not only to recognize but also to combat" (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998, p. 25). Because it is more subtle and difficult to recognize, aversive racism is more difficult to address, and thus to reduce over time, than overt prejudice, both legally (Krieger, 1995) and informally (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998). Overall, the pattern of results obtained in this study is consistent with the hypotheses derived from the aversive racism framework and illustrates the applicability of this perspective to the domain of personnel decisions. In particular, when the candidates' credentials clearly qualified them for the position or the credentials clearly were not appropriate, across both time periods (1988­89 and 1998­99), there was no discrimination against the Black candidate. Averaged across the two time periods, in the Strong Qualifications condition the Black candidate was recommended for the position 91% of the time, whereas the White candidate was recommended 85% of the time. In the Weak Qualifications condition, the Black candidate was recommended 13% of the time, and the White candidate was recommended 6% of the time. When candidates' qualifications for the position were less obvious, however, and the appropriate decision more ambiguous, White participants recommended the Black candidate significantly less often than the White candidate (45% vs. 76%) with exactly the same credentials. When given latitude for interpretation, as in the Moderate Qualifications condition, Whites may give White candidates the "benefit of the doubt," a benefit that is not extended to outgroup members (i.e., to Black candidates). As a consequence, as demonstrated in this study, moderate qualifications are responded to like strong qualifications when the candidate is White but like weak qualifications when the candidate is Black. In addition, as expected, whereas self-reported prejudice on modern racism items (see McConahay, 1986) was significantly lower in 1998­99 than in 1988­89, evidence of aversive racism was as strong in 1998­99 as it was a decade earlier. For the two periods, respectively, Black-White differences in recommendations for the position in 1988­89 and 1998­99 were +6% and +8% in the Strong Qualifications condition, ­25% and ­37% in the Moderate Qualifications condition, and +7% and +7% in the Weak Qualifications condition.

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Aversive Racism and Subtle Bias In general, the evidence we have presented in this section to illustrate the existence of aversive racism makes its case either by demonstrating contrasting results between overt self-report measures of bias and more subtle patterns of discrimination (e.g., Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000) or by showing that self-report prejudice scales do not predict the the more subtle form of discrimination (e.g., Gaertner & Dovidio, 1977). These studies thus offer evidence for the phenomenon, but they do not identify who, in particular, is an aversive racist. Measures originally developed to assess subtle prejudice, such as the Modern Racism Scale (McConahay, 1986), are not sufficiently nonreactive and sensitive to predict these patterns of responses (Fazio, Jackson, Dunton, & Williams, 1995). Thus, although in this type of second-wave research we could argue that aversive racism is an important and pervasive type of racial bias, the underlying negative feelings associated with aversive racism were assumed but not measured directly. In the third wave of prejudice research, conscious and unconscious attitudes are more fully distinguished conceptually and empirically. Aversive Racism: The Third Wave A cornerstone of the aversive racism framework, similar to the position of other types of subtle biases such as modern or symbolic racism (McConahay, 1986), is the conflict between the denial of personal prejudice (i.e., explicit attitudes) and the underlying unconscious negative feelings and beliefs (i.e., implicit attitudes and stereotypes). Beginning in the 1970s and 1980s (e.g., Shiffrin & Schneider, 1977) but substantially in the 1990s, the field of cognitive psychology offered an important distinction between implicit and explicit memory processes (e.g., Schacter, 1990). Implicit memory processes involve lack of awareness and are unintentionally activated, whereas explicit processes are conscious, deliberative, and controllable. A similar distinction emerged in the social psychological literature on attitudes and stereotyping (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995). Explicit attitudes and stereotyping operate in a conscious mode and are exemplified by traditional, self-report measures of these constructs. Implicit attitudes and stereotypes, in contrast, are evaluations and beliefs that are automatically activated by the mere presence (actual or symbolic) of the attitude object. They commonly function in an unconscious fashion. Implicit attitudes and stereotypes are typically assessed using response latency procedures, memory tasks, physiological measures (e.g., galvanic skin response, or GSR), and indirect self-report measures (e.g., involving attributional biases). These techniques for assessing automatic activation offer conceptually and empirically different perspectives on both attitudes and stereotypes than traditional self-report measures.

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Evidence of implicit negative racial attitudes of Whites toward Blacks has been generally consistent and strong. Response latency procedures, in particular, have demonstrated that racial attitudes and stereotypes may operate like other stimuli to facilitate responses and decision making about related concepts (e.g., doctor-nurse). In general, the greater the associative strength between two stimuli, the faster people can make decisions about them (e.g., Dovidio, Evans, & Tyler, 1986; Gaertner & McLaughlin, 1983). Convergent evidence has been obtained with a variety of different priming procedures (see Blair, 2001; Dovidio, Kawakami, & Beach, 2001), as well as with other response latency techniques such as the Implicit Association Test (Greenwald et al., 1998). For example, we have found, using subliminally presented schematic faces as primes, that White participants have faster response times to negative traits after Black than White primes and faster response times to positive traits after White than Black primes (Dovidio, Kawakami, Johnson, Johnson, & Howard, 1997, Study 1). Dual Attitudes Conceptually, implicit and explicit (i.e., self-report) attitudes have been considered as reflecting "dual attitudes" (Wilson, Lindsey, & Schooler, 2000). Dual attitudes commonly arise developmentally. With experience or socialization, people change their attitudes. The original attitude is not replaced, however, but rather is stored in memory and becomes implicit, whereas the newer attitude is conscious and explicit. In general, explicit attitudes can change and evolve relatively easily, whereas implicit attitudes, because they are rooted in overlearning and habitual reactions, persist and are much more difficult to alter (see Wilson et al., 2000). Because explicit attitudes may be a product of similar experience and learning history and may, in fact, form the basis for the development of implicit attitudes through repeated exposure or application (Shiffrin & Schneider, 1977), explicit and implicit attitudes may sometimes correspond with one another. Other times, they may not. One factor that may determine the evaluative correspondence of the implicit and explicit evaluations involved in dual attitudes is the normative context for the attitude object. For instance, people may initially acquire negative attitudes toward groups through socialization within a particular cultural or historical context. Later, when norms change or the person is exposed to new normative proscriptions that dictate that people should not have these negative feelings toward these groups, people adopt explicit unbiased or positive attitudes. Nevertheless, negative implicit attitudes linger. This reasoning suggests that there may be greater correspondence between implicit and explicit attitudes for issues that are not socially sensitive than for those that are socially sensitive or are associated with norms that are inconsistent with historical norms or traditional socialization. Consistent with this notion, Fazio, Williams, and Sanbonmatsu (1990) found that the correlation between explicit and

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implicit attitudes for objects that did not involve socially sensitive issues (e.g., snakes, dentists) was high (r = .63), whereas the correlation for objects associated with socially sensitive issues (e.g., pornography, Blacks) was weak and, in fact, negative (r = ­.11). Racial attitudes are also socially sensitive, and our metaanalysis of the relationship between implicit and explicit racial attitudes revealed, as expected, only a modest relationship (Dovidio et al., 2001). Specifically, our review of 27 studies from 19 separate research reports involving 1,562 participants and using a range of different implicit measures of racial prejudice, including the physiological measure of GSR as well as response latency measures, on the part of Whites toward Blacks yielded a significant but weak-to-moderate positive relationship, mean r = .24. An examination of the relationship between implicit and explicit attitudes across just the 14 tests involving priming measures revealed a somewhat weaker relationship, mean r = .16. Thus, consistent with the aversive racism framework, explicit (conscious) and implicit (unconscious) racial attitudes are only weakly related. In addition, implicit and explicit attitudes can influence behavior in different ways and under different conditions (Dovidio & Fazio, 1992; Fazio, 1990; Wilson et al., 2000). Explicit attitudes shape deliberative, well-considered responses for which people have the motivation and opportunity to weigh the costs and benefits of various courses of action. Implicit attitudes influence responses that are more difficult to monitor and control (e.g., some nonverbal behaviors) or responses that people do not view as an indication of their attitude and thus do not try to control. Thus the relative impact of implicit and explicit attitudes is a function of the context in which the attitudinal object appears, the motivation and opportunity to engage in deliberative processes, and the nature of the behavioral response. Racial Attitudes and Behavior Applying these ideas about dual attitudes but considering racial attitudes in particular, we hypothesized that the relationship between racial attitudes and behavior may be affected by the way attitudes are measured and the type of behavior being examined (Dovidio et al., 1997). Theoretically, racial attitudes may be examined at two (or more) different levels. At one level are the conscious aspects of racial attitudes. At another level are unconscious feelings and beliefs, which are often different than publicly expressed attitudes (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995). Which level represents a White person's "true" racial attitude? We argue that both of these levels represent "true" aspects of the person's attitude and that the central question should be instead, "Which aspect of the attitude better predicts which type of behavior?" Our general position, which was guided by Fazio's (1990) MODE Model, was that implicit (unconscious) aspects of an attitude will primarily predict spontaneous behaviors (e.g., nonverbal behaviors), whereas conscious, explicit attitudes will mainly predict deliberative and controlled actions (e.g., evaluations or verbal behavior).

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One of our initial investigations of this framework involved the responses of White participants toward Black and White partners during face-to-face interaction (Dovidio et al., 1997, Study 3). As a measure of deliberative behavior, participants were asked to evaluate both other interactants on a series of rating scales. The nonverbal behaviors of eye contact and blinking were utilized as an index of more spontaneous forms of behavior. Higher levels of visual contact (i.e., time spent looking at another person) reflect greater attraction, intimacy, and respect. Higher rates of blinking have been demonstrated to be related to higher levels of negative arousal and tension. Both of these types of nonverbal behaviors are particularly difficult to monitor and control. We predicted that explicit measures of prejudice would primarily relate to bias in the deliberative evaluations of Black relative to White interviewers by White participants. In contrast, the response latency measure of implicit negative racial attitude was expected to be the best predictor of more spontaneous nonverbal reactions--specifically, higher rates of blinking and less visual contact with the Black relative to the White interviewer. The results supported the predictions. Bias in terms of more negative judgments about Black than White interviewers was correlated with the two explicit self-report measures of prejudice, Old-Fashioned Racism (r = .37) and Modern Racism (r = .54), but was uncorrelated with implicit prejudice (r = .02). In contrast, implicit prejudice predicted lower levels of visual contact (r = ­.40) and higher rates of blinking (r = .43), but Old-Fashioned Racism (rs = .02, ­.04) and Modern Racism (rs = .20, .07) did not. A second thrust of third-wave research on prejudice is a consideration of the responses of targets of discrimination and on the emergent qualities of interactions between perceivers and targets. The next series of studies we present examines the impact of implicit and explicit racial biases on the nature, group processes, and outcomes of interactions between Whites and Blacks. Bias and Interaction Thus far, the research we have presented on implicit and explicit racial attitudes has demonstrated the existence of implicit negative racial attitudes that are only weakly related to explicit attitudes, and we have shown that implicit and explicit attitudes predict different behaviors--spontaneous and deliberative--for Whites. Our focus has therefore been exclusively on Whites. We further hypothesize that the these different types of attitudes and behaviors can have profound, although typically not fully recognized, effects of the responses of Blacks and the nature of interactions involving Blacks and Whites. We propose that during interracial interactions Whites and Blacks have fundamentally different perspectives on the attitudes and actions of Whites. Whites have access to their conscious attitudes and are able to monitor and control their more overt and deliberative behaviors. Thus, aversive racists, who sincerely believe that

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they are not prejudiced, would likely show relatively positive controllable behaviors, such as favorable verbal content, in their conversations with Blacks. On the basis of their access to their conscious egalitarian attitudes and their monitoring of their deliberative behaviors, aversive racists would also be likely to conclude that they are making a favorable impression on their Black partner. From all of the information they have available about themselves (i.e., their conscious thoughts and deliberative actions), they have behaved in an appropriate and friendly manner. In contrast, the perspective of Blacks in the interaction encompasses the spontaneous as well as the deliberative behaviors of Whites. To the extent that aversive racists have implicit negative attitudes that are reflected in negative nonverbal behaviors (Dovidio et al., 1997), their nonverbal behaviors may belie their verbal behaviors. That is, their positive efforts to say the right things may be undermined, without their awareness, by how they are saying it. People generally rely heavily on nonverbal behaviors when interpreting others' behaviors (Dovidio & Ellyson, 1982), particularly when there is an inconsistency between verbal and nonverbal behavior (Mehrabian, 1972). Moreover, Blacks may be particularly sensitive to the nonverbal behaviors in interracial interactions. As Vorauer and Kumhyr (2001) have recently demonstrated, minority-group members are attuned to negative behaviors of majority-group members that could reveal their prejudice, and detecting these behaviors makes them less comfortable and less satisfied with the interaction. Thus, aversive racists and their Black partners may have two very different perspectives and reactions, one positive and one negative, to their interracial interaction (see also see Devine, Evett, & Vasquez-Suson, 1996; Fazio et al., 1995). In one study (Dovidio, Kawakami, & Gaertner, in press), we assessed the perceptions of interracial interactions by Whites and Blacks as a function of a White participant's explicit and implicit attitudes. We first assessed the implicit attitudes (using our response latency priming technique) and explicit self-report racial attitudes (using Brigham's Attitudes Toward Blacks Scale, 1993), and then arranged interracial conversations around a series of relatively mundane and noncontroversial topics (e.g., What belongings are most useful to bring to college?). To provide baseline interaction measures, participants also interacted with a White partner. We videotaped the interactions and subsequently had coders rate the nonverbal behaviors (from video portions of the tape without audio portions) and the verbal behaviors (from audiotapes) of the White participant. We hypothesized that in these interracial interactions White participants would be able to reflect on their conscious racial attitudes and monitor their overt, controllable behaviors (e.g., what they say). Consequently we predicted that explicit racial attitudes and racial bias in the friendliness of their deliberative verbal behaviors toward Blacks relative to Whites would be positively correlated. We also anticipated, as in our previous research, that White participants' implicit racial attitudes, of which they were unaware, would predict bias in the friendliness of

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their nonverbal behaviors. We further hypothesized that impressions of biased behavior of White participants by the White participants themselves and by their partners would be based on different factors. White participants were expected to base their impressions of their biased behavior on their conscious attitudes and deliberative behaviors, whereas their partners, who could monitor both the Whites' deliberative actions (e.g., what they say) and more spontaneous and subtle behaviors (e.g., how they say it), were expected to base their impressions on bias in the nonverbal behaviors of the White participant and on their implicit attitudes. The results, which are summarized in Figure 1, are consistent with our predictions. Implicit attitudes predicted racial bias in nonverbal friendliness (r = .41) but not bias in verbal friendliness (r = .04). Less implicitly biased Whites behaved in a more friendly nonverbal manner toward Black relative to White partners. In contrast, the explicit self-report measure of prejudice predicted biases in verbal (r = .40) but not nonverbal (r = .02) friendliness. Less explicitly prejudiced Whites had more favorable verbal behaviors with the Black relative to White partner. Also as anticipated, White participants and their partners developed very different impressions (see Figure 1) of the conversation that took place between them. More racially biased impressions of the friendliness of the White participant as judged by the partners were related to bias in the White participant's nonverbal behavior (r = .34) but not to bias in the White participant's verbal behavior (r = ­.17). White participants' impressions of bias in their own friendliness was related more to their bias in their verbal behavior (r = .36) than to their bias in nonverbal behavior (r = ­.07). Ultimately, the impressions of the racial bias in the friendliness of White participants by themselves and by their partners were essentially unrelated (r = .11). Thus, because of their very different perspectives and reliance on different information, Whites and their partners left the same interaction with very different impressions of the existence of racial biases.

Figure 1. Relationships (correlations) between measures of prejudice and participant behavior and impressions.

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Aversive Racism and Group Processes Besides manifesting itself in terms of different impressions and perceptions, contemporary bias can influence personal relations and group processes in ways that unintentionally but adversely affect outcomes for Blacks. For instance, Cannon-Bowers and Salas (1999) have argued that effective teamwork requires two types of skills, those associated with the technical aspects of the job and those associated with being a member of the team. For this latter factor, team competencies include the knowledge, skills, and attitudes required to work effectively with others. We further propose that for interracial teams, both implicit and explicit racial attitudes are important for effective teamwork. To the extent that explicit attitudes are manifested overtly in less friendly and less supportive actions, interracial interactions involving more highly prejudiced Whites would be expected to be less productive. To the extent that implicit racial attitudes may also be detected, at least by a Black partner, through more subtle manifestations such as nonverbal behavior, these unconscious biases can erode the trust between group members and have a negative impact on group performance. In our research on this issue (Dovidio, 1999), White college students were classified on the basis of their self-reported racial attitudes and a response latency measure of bias. A portion of the participants were identified as being low in prejudice on the self-report measure and unbiased on the unconscious (i.e., response latency) measure (Nonprejudiced, about 25%). Another group appeared low in prejudice on the self-report measure but had implicit racial biases (Aversive Racists, about 40%). A third group were relatively prejudiced on the self-report measure as well as biased on the implicit measure (Prejudiced, about 20%). (About 15% of the total sample could not be clearly classified into one of these three categories.) We then examined the impressions of the White and Black team members and how effectively the group performed (i.e., how quickly they could decide which items would be most valuable for am incoming student to bring to college). The results for perceptions of friendliness replicated our earlier results (see Table 1). Whites who appeared low in prejudice on the self-report measure (i.e., Nonprejudiced Whites and Aversive Racists) reported that they behaved more in a more friendly way than those who scored high (Prejudiced Whites). Black partners appeared to be more sensitive to the implicit attitudes: They perceived Whites who were unbiased on the implicit response latency measure (Nonprejudiced Whites) to be more friendly than those who had unconscious biases (Aversive Racists and Prejudiced Whites). They were also less trustful of Aversive Racists and Prejudiced Whites than of Nonprejudiced Whites. Efficiency of group problem-solving showed the same pattern: Teams with Nonprejudiced Whites solved the problem most quickly (4 min 35 s) and had the highest level of satisfaction with the outcome for both White and Black participants. Interracial teams involving Prejudiced Whites were next most efficient,

The Third Wave Table 1. Aversive Racism and Interracial Team Impressions and Efficiency Ratings of Ratings by White participants Nonprejudiced (low implicit/low explicit prejudice) Aversive racists (high implicit/low explicit prejudice) Prejudiced (high implicit/high explicit prejudice) Friendliness of the White participant White Black participant partner

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Trustworthiness of the Satisfaction with the White participant interaction White Black White Black participant partner participant partner

5.6 5.8 4.6

5.5 4.6 4.4

5.8 5.9 5.4

5.3 4.2 4.7

4.4 4.8 4.1

4.5 4.0 3.7

completing the task in 5 min 45 s. Teams with Aversive Racists were the least efficient (6 min 10 s), although the time was not significantly longer than the time for teams with Prejudiced Whites. Presumably, the conflicting messages displayed by aversive racists and the divergent impressions of the team members' interaction interfered with the task effectiveness of the team. To the extent that Blacks are in the minority in an organization and are dependent on highly prejudiced Whites or aversive racists on work-related tasks, their performance is likely to be objectively poorer than the performance of Whites who predominantly interact with other Whites. Thus, even when Whites harbor unconscious and unintentional biases toward Blacks, their actions can have effects, sometimes even more detrimental than those of old-fashioned racists, on the outcomes and ultimately on the wellbeing of Blacks. Conclusion In summary, although overt expressions of prejudice have declined steadily and significantly over time, subtle--often unconscious and unintentional--forms continue to exist. Moreover, the present work supports our earlier argument that "although the expression of aversive racism may be subtle, the consequences are not subtle. Aversive racism, like more blatant forms, may contribute to the restriction of opportunity for Blacks and other minorities" (Dovidio & Gaertner, 1998, p. 31). This subtle, rationalizable type of bias also poses unique challenges to the legal system. Even though this subtle process underlying discrimination can be identified and isolated in the controlled conditions of the laboratory, in organizational decision making, in which the controlled conditions of an experiment are rarely possible, this process presents a substantial challenge to the equitable treatment of members of disadvantaged groups. For example, Krieger (1995), in the Stanford Law Review, observed: "Herein lies the practical problem. . . . Validating

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subjective decisionmaking systems is neither empirically nor economically feasible, especially for jobs where intangible qualities, such as interpersonal skills, creativity, and ability to make sound judgments under conditions of uncertainty are critical" (p. 1232). Moreover, to the extent that aversive racism adversely affects the performance on Blacks in disproportionate ways on measurable, seemingly objective outcomes, its operation may go largely unnoticed and unaddressed. Finally, the nature of contemporary biases can also shape the everyday perceptions of White and Black Americans in ways that interfere with a foundation of communication and trust that is critical to developing long-term positive intergroup relations. Although we recognize that a variety of historical and social forces are involved, we suggest that the different perspectives and perceptions of Whites and Blacks in interracial interaction that we illustrate in our research, which can occur daily and have summative effects over time (Feagin & Vera, 1995), contribute to the climate of miscommunication, misperception, and distrust that characterizes contemporary race relations in the United States (Anderson, 1996; Crocker, Luhtanen, Broadnax, & Blaine, 1999). The evolution of psychological research from the first wave to the second wave, from a view of prejudice as psychopathology to a view of prejudice as rooted in normal processes, increased awareness of the pervasiveness of racial biases and the existence of subtle forms of biases. The movement of research from the second wave to the third, in which the dynamics of prejudice are identified at implicit as well as explicit levels and the responses of targets of prejudice and discrimination are fully considered, offers a more comprehensive view of how the prejudices of Whites shape interpersonal and intergroup processes as well as outcomes and promises a more comprehensive understanding of race relations. It also can help inform Whites and Blacks of the existence of their different perspectives and help them appreciate the way that unintentional biases can influence race relations. In the context of this broader perspective, it is thus possible to illuminate the complexity of subtle contemporary biases, such as aversive racism, to demonstrate persuasively that discrimination is not "a thing of the past" and to encourage renewed efforts to develop new, effective techniques to combat contemporary racial bias. References

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JOHN F. DOVIDIO holds an MA and a PhD in social psychology from the University of Delaware. He is Charles A. Dana Professor of Psychology at Colgate University, where he is currently Interim Provost and Dean of the Faculty, and he has previously served as director of the Division of University Studies and Director of the Division of Natural Sciences and Mathematics. Dovidio has been editor of Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin and is currently associate editor of Group Processes and Intergroup Relations. He is a fellow of the American Psychological Association and of the American Psychological Society. He has also served as president of the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues and chair of the executive committee of the Society for Experimental Social Psychology. Dovidio's research interests are in improving intergroup relations; stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination; social power and nonverbal communication; and altruism and helping.

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