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The Boundaries of Violence

"Challenging the ruptured landscape of independent nations and autonomous cultures raises the question of understanding social change and cultural transformation as situated within interconnected spaces. The presumption that spaces are autonomous has enabled the power of topography to conceal successfully the topography of power," (Ferguson and Gupta, 8).

In August of 1994, when the Rwandan genocide ended, citizens realized the power of their national borders. Over one million people had been brutally killed in one of the most efficient and effective genocides to date and the landscape in which it occurred was bounded by border outposts and customs offices that littered the perimeter of the country. The same boundaries that conferred the rights of citizen to those living within Rwanda were the confines that in many ways caused its internal mass violence. Palpably, these borders, which were haphazardly created during colonization and reaffirmed by the human rights regime in the post-colonial era, limited organic expansion within these regions, constraining resources citizens could access. Intangibly, these borders reshaped identity, belonging, and communal obligation, shattering regional historical continuums of what it meant to be a `citizen.' Thus, while formation of the state of Rwanda cemented the apparatus which ascribed a liberal notion of the rights of citizen to the people within its borders, it also catalyzed grave abuses of those citizens. This paradox is non-unique to Rwanda. In an era of emerging resource scarcity and severe ecological deterioration, the artificially contrived borders of African countries and the fashioning of citizen-subjects have exacerbated and fueled internal violence in an unprecedented manner. The universal reach of citizenship as defined by human rights and implemented through the nation state has not created landscapes of protection and equality in Africa, but rather a panorama of broken communities. The imposition of nation state as shaped


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by a western conception of liberal individualism ruptured communitarian1 elements of socio-political organization, stressing private property ownership and individualized modes of production. Constraining these citizen-subjects to inflexible borders transformed land from a collective space into a competitive venue that largely caused scarcity and ecological degradation. Subsequently this intensified internal tension and ultimately caused massive violence. In the post-colonial era, the human rights regime and its partner of the nation state have reproduced individualist notions of citizen rights and protections and in reality functioned to replicate violence. Fundamentally, the process of constructing the liberal citizen via the nation-state in Africa resulted in both borders and modes of socio-political organization that failed to correspond with realities of association, modes of production, and natural movement. Paradoxically, it created a state mechanism that has and continues to cause internal conflict. Increasing scarcity, ecological degradation, and consequently violence across the continent of Africa necessitates a re-theorization of citizenship, space, and the state. Analyzing this intersection through a human rights lens demands a fundamental reconceptualization of what it means to be a citizen entitled to human rights in Africa. To assess citizenship and human rights in the African nation state, this paper will explore the historical construction of borders in Africa, the topographical space of the nation state, and productions of identity and violence through the Rwandan genocide, with the understanding that nation-states, communities, and experiences of citizenship are neither monolithic nor uniform across Africa. This paper will suggest that to prevent violence, the human rights regime must undergo a paradigmatic shift in which the state no longer


Communitarian modes of organization stress collectivity, consensus, and constant wealth redistribution (Howard)


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assumes the only burden of citizenship based abuse. Rather, relocating the locus of citizenship in transnational pathways allows a dynamic and multidimensional understanding of citizen rights. Moreover, analyzing citizenship through contemporary eclipses of violence suggests that preventing conflict relies upon an understanding of topography and sustainability. Without a change in the human rights regime, internal violence will continue to be caused by the mechanisms meant to protect citizens from internal violence.

History, Space, and Identity Rewritten In the cherry oak rooms of the 1854 Berlin Conference, European leaders indiscriminately divided and distributed Africa, territorializing it along borders that ignored past and present economic, social, and political histories. Prior to the beginning formations of the nation state in the pre-colonial era, "control of territory was often not contested because it was often easier to escape from rulers than to fight them. Africans, on the basis of sensible cost-benefit equations, would, more often than not, rather switch than fight," (Herbst, 39). While violence and warfare undoubtedly occurred in a nonromanticized pre-colonial Africa, the nation state as prescribed by colonial sources constructed identity as an immutable product of geography and attempted to stop natural migrations. Borders were created that delineated spatial access to resources in an unprecedented manner because organic expansion into areas outside the `state' was prohibited. John and Jean Comaroff assert that in the post-colonial era of independence that, "people, plants, commodities, and currencies moved across frontiers under more-orless tightly enforced, normatively-recognized state regulation," that reinforce these historical inventions (Comaroff and Comaroff, 632). These regulations have created a 3

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structure that was fundamentally antithetical to historically institutionalized pathways and flows of people. Moreover, borders brought together groups with violent histories, or split clans across countries. This often forced an illogical assembly of people under one governing umbrella that was to ascribe the identity and rights of citizen within its national boundary. Fundamentally, the African nation state, coercively constructed, created geographies of populations that were bounded to borders never before encountered. Thus, when the nation state, born in Europe, was exported to Africa during the colonial era it reconfigured not only the spatial organization of the continent, but also the identity of people. Ferguson and Gupta assert that, "representations of space in the social sciences are remarkably dependent on images of break, rupture, and disjunction. The distinctiveness of societies, nations, and cultures is based upon a seemingly unproblematic division of space, on the fact that they occupy "naturally" discontinuous spaces," (Ferguson and Gupta, 6). Space throughout Africa was divided along nonexistent lines, creating new formations of community and redefining inhabitants within those spaces. By reconfiguring the domain in which people socially, politically, and economically interacted, African topography was refashioned to construct a relationship between colonizer and colonized, a relationship based on the Western notion of citizenship. Citizenship became a means to subjugate people to an administrative apparatus of the state that was enforced through colonial law, taxes, and economic reorganization initiatives, which often took the form of forced displacement (Herbst). Relationship with community was trumped by relationship with the state, particularly in times of taxation and places of colonial infrastructure. Thus, while, "space itself becomes a kind of neutral grid on which cultural difference, historical memory, and societal


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organization are inscribed," creating the nation state infused historicized notions of Western and liberal citizenship identity onto landscapes formerly unacquainted with this form of organization (Ferguson and Gupta, 7). As the nation state was constructed across Africa so was a form of citizenship that would drastically alter the ecological composition of the state. Liberal notions of citizenship as a mode of socio-political organization attempted to individuate groups of people into private property owners whose primary relationship was to the nation. Charles Tilly asserts that citizenship is premised on "state demands for resources and compliance generate bargaining, resistance, and settlements encapsulating both rights and obligations... we commonly use names like taxation, conscription, and regulation ­ all of them regularly generating bargaining, resistance, and settlements," (Tilly, 601). However, the relationship between newly formed citizen and the colonial state in Africa was a oneway economic conduit in which people were regulated according to borders through which labor was extracted. Property ownership was transformed from collective tenure into an individual's capital through colonial mechanisms of economic redistribution policy (Newbury, 1978). In reproducing, "the mode of economic organization [as] individual ownership of land and capital along with private employment of labor alienated from the means of production," colonial nation states fundamentally radicalized pre-colonial modes of communitarian organization and production (Howard, 1984, 167). In the era preceding nation states, communitarian structuring of most African societies revolved around three axioms: that people do not think of themselves as individuals, that political decisions are made through group consensus, and that wealth is automatically redistributed (Howard, 1984). Nation states functioned to break down each axiom of this


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socio-political mode of organization and create citizen-subjects that were homoeconomus. Most importantly, this form of organization in conjunction with artificially erected borders caused perpetually increasing environmental stress and depletion: access to resources became finite and inflexible because land ownership and cultivation swelled. While the colonial apparatus failed to equally engulf all people, this historical moment of territorialization fundamentally redefined the African's relation to state, community, and socio-political organization. The product of this process was the coercively contracted citizen that was to cause ecological exhaustion. As the fashioning of citizenship was continuously reinforced by the metropole during colonial era, the human rights regime functioned to reproduce liberal, individualistic notions of citizenship in the post-colonial era. With the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent ratification of other human rights conventions, an era that iteratively reaffirmed the nation state as the mode of organization through which the rights or people, as divided between citizen and stateless, were safeguarded, was ushered in. The preamble of the UDHR unequivocally proclaims, "Member states have pledged themselves to achieve, in cooperation with the United Nations, the promotion of universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms," (UDHR, Preamble). In an era of human rights, the nation state was avowed as the mechanism through which people's rights are protected. As a reinforcement of this paradigmatic foundation, the term refugee was coined to foil the classification of citizenship. Moreover, article 15 of the UDHR claims that, "everybody has the right to a nationality," article 17 asserts that, "everyone has the right to own property alone," and article 23 upholds that, "everyone has the right to work," (UDHR,


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article 15, 17, 23). In other words, everybody has the right to a liberal notion of citizenship that allows private property ownership and capitalist modes of production and organization. Because the nation state is the primary actor in the human rights regime, the citizen-subject is similarly implicated and replicated within the regime. In the process of reinventing the African as a citizen-subject through human rights, citizenship has become a history and language in addition to form of identity. Mamdani reflects on the historical process of state formation in contemporary Africa and claims that, "entire communities have now become `non-citizens' in foreign territories: to mention only a few, the Bourkinabe in Cote d'Ivoire, the Ghanaians in Nigeria, the Rwandese in Uganda, and a whole string of border nationalities inside South Africa," (Mamdani, 1990, 367). Adopting rhetoric of citizenship, he cloaks his discussion of the balkanization of Africa in a language of human rights, a language of the nation-state. Moreover, state collapse and human rights violations throughout Africa are repeatedly framed around the citizen because, "according to theorists of liberal citizenship, liberalism requires that citizens affirm liberal values in ways that override other commitments, and the waning of these values has led to social fragmentation, crises of state legitimacy, and political stalemates," (Kahane, 704). The liberally fashioned citizen has become both the beginning and end of the state as the human rights regime has reproduced citizenship by casting people through a lens of nation-state belonging. In essence, human rights have not only reaffirmed the fashioning of the citizen-subject in Africa, but it has configured citizenship as a cyclically binding identity. As the nation state has functioned to control, constrain, and configure people and identity across Africa, borders and boundaries have restricted these citizen-subjects to


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finite resources within the nation. While historically, "these polities [that formed the state] have long entertained mass flows of human, animal, and vegetable migrants across sovereign borders," currently the landscapes people can access are bounded by national perimeters, translating citizenship into a venue of competition (Comaroff and Comaroff, 632). As a result of artificial borders and the liberally fashioned citizen-subject, scarcity and ecological degradation have become a norm. Thus, the invention and reproduction of Africans as liberal, individualist citizen-subjects via colonialism and the human rights regime has functioned not only to reorganize the socio-political fabric of communities but unintentionally construct a confluence of circumstances that would lead to violence.

Ecology, Citizenship, and Violence As the contemporary African nation-state has seen, the convergence between resource scarcity, borders, and the environment have often manifested in violence among its citizenry. "This world-historical which geography is perforce being rewritten; in which transnational identities, diasporic connections, ecological disasters, and the mobility of human populations challenge both the nature of sovereignty and the sovereignty of nature," (Comaroff and Comaroff, 633). With increasing environmental degradation and an unrivaled population boom throughout the majority of Africa, the stress upon nation-states has amplified. Resources have become scarce and while, "the poor may be encouraged to be mobile, [it is] within a system of bounded units. The units may change from the parish to counties, regions and nations, but the dynamics of scarcity demand borders," which have in turn become synonymous with the borders of the nation state and a product of citizen-subject modes of organization (Gausset and White, 9). As a


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result of collapsing and predatory states, and general poverty throughout Africa, intensified border patrol has become a primary mechanism of defense and resources have been limited to the growing populations within those borders. The fashioning and reproduction of the citizen-subject and the spatial organization it necessitates has paradoxically become a contributing cause of internal violence. On its first day as an independent country in July of 1962, Rwanda's land mass was halved (into Burundi), its farmer's markets were constricted, and its population felt uneasy and nervous. In the following months massacres ensued. Even though ethnic and political histories were significant contributing factors to this violence, the combination of ecological deterioration and population growth in the `state' exacerbated and catalyzed these manifestations. By 1986, agronomist Johan Pottier acknowledged that in Butare, Rwanda, "there is no more arable land to be distributed and continuous tillage has become the norm. Prospects for the future look bleak," (Pottier, 461). By 1990, the national court illustrated that, "land disputes lay at the root of most serious conflicts: either because the conflict was directly over land (43% of all cases); or because it was a husband/wife, family, or personal dispute often stemming ultimately from a land dispute," (Diamond, 323). The inability for organic expansion into the hills of the Great Lakes region of Africa was unnaturally constricted by the nation state itself. Due to the refashioning of the citizen as an individual private property owner in Rwanda, citizenship itself caused endogenous ecological stress. Without the ability to adapt to overpopulation and over-tilling through what was historically considered natural migration, the lack of resources among citizens caused tension. With the highest population density in all of Africa, Rwanda was literally overflowing out of its borders


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and the nation state had exceeded "carrying capacity." Rwanda's borders were harming Rwandan citizens. Saliently, "the definition of the territory depends closely on perceived opportunities, which are dependent in their turn not only on physical constraints, but also on the existence of war or peace, on the power relationship between different stakeholders, and on existing technology available," (Guasset and White, 16). Rwanda as a nation state was perceived as a place lacking the opportunity for its citizens to be productive. Gaining land tenure was impossible as no new land was available. By the 1970s, "Rwanda's economic improvement became halted by drought and accumulating environmental problems [especially deforestation, soil erosion, and soil fertility losses]," and so severely exacerbated conflict that fathers began to divide land among all sons rather than giving it to the eldest in order to reduce interafamily conflict (Diamond, 315). With political and social dimensions of these nation states grounded in ecological composition, the boundaries of citizenship began to cause internal violence. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s in Rwanda, identity as citizen became progressively important as access to resources decreased. Consequentially, Tutsis were cast as `non-citizens' or foreigners and nationalism became a gauge of agricultural and ecological exclusion. "When so many Tutsi fled or were killed in the 1960s and in 1973, the availability of their former lands for redistribution fanned the dream that each Hutu farmer could now, at last, have enough land to feed himself and his family comfortably," (Diamond, 319). Sporadic massacres within Rwanda were followed by mere moments of peace because farmland was made available for the ecologically marginalized. Essentially, those who owned land were killed and replaced by those who did not have access to land. During this period, Rwanda as a nation state became the locus for these


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events and its victims were its citizens. Violence that occurred meters outside the borders of Rwanda were disconnected and considered a regional product, but never a continuous episode. "Thus "history" was presumed to adhere to nationality; in this case, "Rwandan history" could only belong to "Rwanda," and to its citizens (Newbury and Newbury, 2000, 850). Violence was a product of the state and the citizens its subject. The inflexibility of Rwanda as nation-state magnified intensified tension and violence within its boundaries and as, "scarcity is defined within tightly drawn borders," constructions of citizenship were similarly tightly drawn (Gausset and White, 11). By April 1994, political, economic, and social tension reached a boiling point and a genocide that would systematically murdered over 10% of its primarily land-owning population was underway. Arable land, property rights, and ecological degradation had become significant contributing factors to the violence. Sadly, the development of the Rwandan nation state that precipitated these elements of violence was manufactured in a manner that exacerbated internal resource scarcity through the fashioning of the citizensubject. Genocide swept throughout Rwanda in urban and rural areas alike, freeing up land and resources in a neo-Malthusian purge. "The intensification of ethnic conflict," which ultimately culminated in the genocide, "was not the result of a `collapsed' state, as many superficial analysis aver. Rather, in this case...conflict served to illustrate state power in action," (Newbury and Newbury, 1999, 12). The strength and solidity of the state, its borders, and stylization of citizenship uniquely caused, controlled, and cast the genocide within its boundaries. Since independence, African nation states like Rwanda have experienced unprecedented environmental degradation and an overburdened ecological carrying


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capacity. Increasingly, the nation state has become the bounded venue for ecologically driven violence in which the citizen is at the epicenter. With stress on the borders of nation-states intensifying, citizenship has been recast not as an idealized identity, but as an organizational crisis. Mamdani saliently underscores, "the limits of political economy as a framework for political analysis began to surface in the face of postcolonial political violence, for political economy could only explain violence when it resulted from a clash between market identities ­ either class or division of labor," (Mamdani, 2001, 651). The umbrella identity of citizenship as reproduced by the human rights regime as a western, individualistic, liberal has gone unexamined as a system at odds with both indigenous notions of identity and contemporary ecological constraints in Africa. Because citizenship as a mode of socio-political organization has paradoxically caused violence that it is supposed to be protected against, without a change in the human rights regime's cyclical bounding of the citizen as the category of rights, the citizen and state will perpetually reproduce internal violence. A reconceptualization of citizenship demands that the human rights regime undergo a paradigmatic shift in which the state no longer assumes the only burden of citizenship abuses. This does not stop states from protecting abuses that happen to its citizenship, but rather refocuses on burdens caused by the notion of citizenship. To prevent violence within these regions, borders must be re-imagined, protection of the citizen must fall within alternative spheres, and political membership must be non-statecentric. Ferguson and Gupta unabashedly claim that, "of course, the geographical territories that cultures and societies are believed to map onto do not have to be nations," consequently asserting that national citizenship is an unnecessary construction (Ferguson


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and Gupta, 7). However, the nation-state as a political form need not be abolished to reenvision alternative loci of human rights. Nor should romanticized `authentically' African forms or organization or culturally relative practices be adopted as a replacement. Instead, the human rights regime should look upon nation states as political actors that are one of many human rights protectors for those within its own borders. Increasing intersections between non-governmental organizations, transnational corporations, worldwide media outlets, and virtual networks in an era of globalization have created pathways that permeate beyond national borders. Focusing on those conduits rather than on exclusively on the state allows the human rights regimes to acknowledge varying localities of the citizen in relation to modes of organization and production that citizenship was initially fashioned as. Jean and John Comaroff posit that, "whatever other identities the citizen-subject of the twenty-first century polity may bear, s/he is unavoidably either an autochthon or an alien," (Comaroff and Camaroff, 635). However, the notion of alien is implicitly constructed in opposition to citizen and autochthon is fashioned relative to socially interpreted dominant factors of geographical teleology. By infusing global and transnational networks with protecting the rights of the citizen, the human rights regime not only can decrease stress on the dichotomization of citizen and non-citizen, but also refashion the citizen-subject as not tied to a geographical locus. With technological advancement, shifting modes of production and organization, the nation state's relationship with the citizen is decreasing. The space between the nation state and other actors that people engage with is a venue that the human rights regime must penetrate and configure as a space of human rights. While the state should still be held accountable for


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internal violence, strengthening the protection of rights through alternative pathways serves as a means to decrease violence in an ecologically deteriorated and resource-scarce Africa. Just as "state power has been organized in relation to different social groups, thus leading us to a conception of rights that is organic to African realities and not lifted in every detail mechanically ­ as if out of a textbook ­ from the western historical experience," a decrease in state power as affirmed by the human rights regime has the ability to minimize pressures experienced by the socio-political organization of statebased citizenship (Mamdani, 1990, 364). In addition to re-imagining where the rights of citizen might be located, this juncture of citizenship and state violence suggest human rights protection might focus on scarcity and environmental degradation. While, "identity struggles, ranging from altercations over resources to genocidal combat, seems immanent almost everywhere as selfhood is immersed ­existentially, metonymically ­ into claims of collective essence," identity becomes increasingly important as resources become increasingly depleted (Comaroff and Comaroff, 634). Sustainable agriculture and conservation techniques might drastically reduce the tension caused by artificial African borders and ecological scarcity. Moderating exogenously or endogenously induced environmental stress, caused by corporations, extractive resource mining, or state induced land tenure structures will also decrease strain and conflict. Because citizenship is so intimately tied to the geographical bounds of the state in relation to agricultural production, protecting the space where the citizen is located will also protect the rights of the citizen. Thus, whereas reinvisioning the loci of human rights in transnational pathways will alleviate one dimension of conflict, sustainability will successfully ameliorate another. While this


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paper does not intend to make a normative claim of how to most effectively solve the dilemma of citizenship, state, and scarcity in Africa, the emerging increase of conflict and crises caused by this intersection necessitates a shift in the human rights regime to properly address it.

Conclusion When communities were ruptured into nation-states and populations individuated into citizens, the topography of the African continent dramatically changed. Borders were erected that inescapably cut across communities and corridors were built that limited the natural movement of people and created citizen-subjects. With a transformation of communitarian organization into individualistic, liberal modes of self-identification, ecological degradation and resource scarcity were to become a typical characteristic of the African landscape. As seen in Rwanda, this perfect storm of elements caused a scenario in which the nation state caused massive internal violence from which it was supposed to protect its citizens. Remarkably, the human rights regime reiterated the importance of the circumstances that caused this violence. To prevent future violence across other African nation-states as seen in Rwanda, it is with gravity and urgency that the human rights regime reconceptualize notions of citizenship, state, and the locus of rights in a contemporary, globalized world.


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Boone, Catharine. Political Topographies of the African State: Territorial Authority and Institutional Choice. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Comaroff, Jean and Comaroff, John. "Naturing the Nation: Aliens, Apocalypse and the Postcolonial State." Journal of Southern African Studies 200 Comaroff, John L and Stern, Paul C. "New Perspectives on Nationalism and War." Theory and Society Vol. 23, No. 1, Feb, 1994. Diamond, Jared. Collapse: how societies choose to fail or succeed. New York, NY: Penguin Group, 2005. Gausset, Quentin, White, Michael, and Birch-Thomsen, Torben. Beyond Territory and Scarcity: Exploring Conflicts over Natural Resource Management. Stockholm, Sweden: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2005. Gupta, Akhil and Ferguson, James. "Beyond "Culture": Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference." Cultural Anthropology Vol. 7, No. 1, Feb, 1992. Herbst, Jeffrey. States and Power in Africa. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. Homer-Dixon, Thomas. Environment, Scarcity, and Violence. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999. Howard, Rhoda. "Evaluating Human Rights in Africa: Some Problems of Implicit Comparison." Human Rights Quarterly Vol. 6, No. 2, May, 1984. Howard, Rhoda. "Human Rights and the Search for Community." Journal of Peace Research Vol. 32, No. 1, Feb, 1995. Howard, Rhoda. "Occidentalism, Human Rights, and the Obligations of Western Scholars." Canadian Journal of African Studies Vol. 29, No. 1, 1995. Howard, Rhoda and Donnely, Jack. "Human Dignity, Human Rights, and Political Regimes." The American Political Science Review Vol. 80, No. 3, Sep, 1986. Kahane, David. "Cultivating Liberal Virtues." Canadian Journal of Political Science vol. 29, No. 4, Dec, 1996. Lewis, L.A., and Berry, L.. African Environments and Resources. Winchester, MA: Allen & Unwin, Inc., 1988. Mahmud, Sakah Saidu. "The State and Human Rights in Africa in the 1990s: Perspectives and Prospects." Human Rights Quarterly Vol. 15, No. 3, Aug, 1993. Mamdani, Mahmood. "Beyond Settler and Native as Political Identities: Overcoming the Political Legacy of Colonialism." Comparative Studies in Society and History Vol. 43, No. 4, Oct, 2001.


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Mamdani, Mahmood. "The Social Basis of Constitutionalism in Africa." The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 28, No. 3, Sep, 1990. Murshed, Mansoob. "Conflict, Civil War and Underdevelopment: An Introduction." Journal of Peace Research Vol. 39, No. 4, Jul, 2002. Newbury, Catharine. "Ethnicity in Rwanda: The Case of Kinyaga." Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 48(1978). Newbury, Catharine. "States at War: Confronting Conflict in Africa." African Studies Review 45, 2002. Newbury , Catharine; Newbury, David. "A Catholic Mass in Kigali: Contested Views of the Genocide and Ethnicity in Rwanda." Canadian Journal of African Studies 33, 1999. Newbury, Catharine; Newbury, David. "Bring the Peasants Back In: Agrarian Themes in the Construction and Corrosion of Statist Historiography in Rwanda." The American Historical Review 105, 2000. Pottier, Johan. ""Three's a Crowd': Knowledge, Ignorance and Power in the context of Urban Agriculture in Rwanda." Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 59, 1989. Prunier, Gerard. The Rwanda Crisis; History of a Genocide. New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1995. Salih, Mohammed. Environmental Politics and Liberation in Contemporary Africa. Dordrecth, The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1999. Tilly, Charles. "A Primer on Citizenship." Theory and Society Vol. 26, No. 4, Aug, 1997. William, Wood. "Geographic Aspects of Genocide: A Comparison of Bosnia and Rwanda." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers Vol. 26, No. 1, 2001. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 217A(III), 10 December 1948



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