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Individual value preferences among American police officers

The Rokeach theory of human values revisited

Jihong Zhao

Department of Criminal Justice, University of Nebraska at Omaha, Omaha, Nebraska, USA

Ni He

Division of Social & Policy Sciences, The University of Texas at San Antonio, San Antonio, Texas, USA

Nicholas P. Lovrich

Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, Washington State University, Pullman, Washington, USA

Introduction In contemporary research on policing, individual employees in law enforcement agencies have gained more and more attention from scholars and practitioners alike. Issues investigated in the police literature along this line of research include job stress (Hageman, 1978, 1982; Wolpin et al., 1991; Beehr et al., 1995), employee job satisfaction (Griffin et al., 1978; Buzawa, 1981, 1984; Dantzker, 1992, 1993), police cynicism (Regoli et al., 1979), and employee motivation (Hochestedler and Dunning, 1983; Wycoff and Skogan, 1994). Deeply rooted in the behavioral science perspective, findings reported in these studies substantially extend our knowledge of police organization from an exclusive focus on organizational efficiency and effectiveness to a broader consideration of the well being and personal outlooks of individual police agency employees. Unfortunately, an important but largely ignored area of current research on individuals in policing concerns the value orientations obtaining among American police officers. During the last decade or so, very limited research has been done on this issue. Studying individual value orientations is important because a substantial body of research indicates that particular patterns of value orientations predict world views and, hence, can in turn predict behavior at the workplace and behavioral predispositions on salient social issues (Rokeach, 1973). For example, in his two-decade long longitudinal study of

Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management, Vol. 21 No. 1, 1998, pp. 22­37 © MCB University Press, 0141-2949

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political life in western democratic countries Ronald Inglehart (1990) has found The Rokeach strong evidence that the direction of societal change in a nation can be theory of human explained to a considerable extent by a documentable value shift across values revisited generational cohorts. In a similar vein, individual values exert strong influence on an organization, and vice versa[1]. Ott (1989) highlighted the pivotal role of individual value 23 orientations in organizational behavior (also see Schein, 1985). There is little reason to expect that police organizations can be excepted from this observation. Actually, to a substantial degree organizational culture in a police department is affected by the values held by employees. Individuals bring their own personal beliefs, policy preferences, and attitudes to bear on police organizations in very important ways (Muir, 1977, p. 267; Breci and Simons, 1987). These personal values are particularly important with respect to those behaviors which relate to areas of discretionary choice on the part of police officers (Rokeach, 1973). The extensive research literature on the "street-level bureaucrat" attests to the wide scope of discretion afforded to police officers and other employees in various lines of public sector work (Lipsky, 1980; Lovrich et al., 1986). The purpose of this paper is to make use of the theory of human values developed by Rokeach as a theoretical framework to evaluate value preferences among sworn officers in American police agencies. A primary aim of this analysis is to investigate the following three issues: (1) What are the value orientations of police officers today? (2) Have such value orientations among police officers changed over time? (3) Is there a consensus on values among officers, or does considerable diversity of values obtain across subpopulations within the law enforcement workforce? Rokeach's theory of human values One of the most highly regarded theories offered to explain patterns of human values and the role of such values in predicting individual behavior is that of Milton Rokeach. In brief, Rokeach argued that distinctive individual or group norms and behaviors can often be attributed to particular patterns of adherence to universal value orientations (Rokeach, 1973). Rokeach defined the concept of value as "an enduring belief that a specific mode of conduct or end-state of existence is personally or socially preferable..." (Rokeach, 1973, p. 5). Based on this definition, the concept of value reflects three essential characteristics: (1) it is a cognition about what is desirable; (2) it is affective, with associated emotions; and (3) it has a behavioral component that leads to action when activated (Rokeach, 1973, pp. 5-7).



Understood thus, individual attitudes can be considered to be an expression of underlying values in most cases. Furthermore, Rokeach argued that the total number of values of primary interest to people was relatively limited. As a consequence, human values can be arranged into a value system which is "an enduring organization of beliefs concerning preferable modes of conduct or endstates of existence along a continuum of relative importance" (Rokeach, 1973, p. 5). The organization of values into a system based on relative importance is essential to the following three points. First, it leads us to take particular positions on social issues ­ that is, people who express similar views on certain social issues, to a large extent, share similar value systems. Next, a distinctive value system predisposes us to favor one particular political philosophy and one type of voting preference. Finally, our value orientations dictate our actions when we choose between alternatives, when we are engaged in conflicts, and when we are making important decisions involving our own judgment (Rokeach, 1973, pp. 14-20). Generally, a person's value system is relatively stable. This means that the sequence of value preferences ranked by individuals does not change substantially over time. A change in societal value preferences may occur, but it is more likely to resemble a slow process such as that which Ronald Inglehart called value "shift" (1990) across generations rather than a rapid transformation of thinking by masses of individuals. Consequently, a person's value system is the cognitive representation of that individual reflecting very likely not only individual traits, but also societal and institutional demands as well (Rokeach, 1973). For example, the value of a world at peace (e.g. without the threat of a global war) may be less important for Americans today than it was 20 years ago during the cold war era. Finally, Rokeach observed that human value systems can be divided into two fundamental types ­ terminal values and instrumental values. Terminal value systems reflect the organization of the fundamental goals of humans in modern society. These goals represent the preferred end-states of an individual arranged in order of priority. The instrumental values, in contrast, represent the prioritization of an individual's preferences with respect to the means employed to achieve preferred end-states. In his empirical research Rokeach identified a battery of 18 value items to tap terminal values, and an additional set of 18 items to measure instrumental values. Respondents are asked to rank these 18 items in a sequence ranging from the most important to the least important. These survey instruments have been extensively used in empirical research. Based on a sample of over 1,400 respondents drawn from all strata of American society in 1968, Rokeach found group differences were in evidence with respect to gender, educational attainment, race, socioeconomic status, and profession (Rokeach, 1973, and see the studies by Rokeach and his associates reported in Rokeach, 1979). For example, Rokeach found that females ranked terminal values significantly different from males on 12 out of 18 items (Rokeach, 1973, p. 57). Similarly, levels of educational attainment were

associated with significant variation in 14 items (Rokeach, 1973, p. 64). These The Rokeach findings regarding sociodemographic correlates of value patterns have been theory of human supported by other studies as well (e.g. Pottick, 1983; Timmer and Kahle, 1983; values revisited Ball-Rokeach et al., 1984). Rokeach found two items of the terminal values list ­ freedom and equality ­ are the most salient indicators of one's political preferences (1973, pp. 165-211). For example, an individual's political 25 orientation on a continuum running from conservatism to liberalism can be largely explained by the relative ranking of these two indicators. Particularly, based on the national sample, Rokeach (1973, p. 190) found that: "Variations in equality alone, for instance, have been shown to be significantly related to all sorts of attitudes and behaviors concerning civil rights, the poor, Vietnam and student protest, and church activities" (italics in original). Application of Rokeach theory of human values The Rokeach theory of human values has been applied to many areas of social science research and has generated a considerable body of literature, including cross-cultural studies (Bond, 1988; Feather, 1975; 1979; Mager and Wynd, 1992; Nemetz et al., 1996), studies of the value preferences of the American people (Rokeach, 1973; Williams, 1979; Kahle, 1983; Kahle et al., 1988; Timmer and Kahle, 1983; Pottick, 1983), the study of value change among individuals or groups (see Ball-Rokeach et al., 1984, pp. 34-67 for a review of 26 studies on the application of Rokeach theory on change), and studies of the relationship between individual values and organizational culture (Rokeach, 1979; Connor and Becker, 1979). The Rokeach survey instrument has been used for research in the area of policing since the early 1970s. For example, based on a Rokeach Value Survey of 153 white police officers conducted in a middle-sized, Midwest police department (population about 150,000) in 1968, Rokeach and his associates found that police officers did demonstrate a relatively distinctive pattern of value orientations in comparison with ordinary citizens. The most noticeable difference concerned the terminal value indicators, particularly equality. The police officers surveyed ranked equality significantly lower in priority than did the general public, and Rokeach et al. (1971, p. 162) noted that "the ranking on equality, more than rankings on any of the other 35 values, is the best single predictor of political conservatism in the US" (italics in original). Moreover, Rokeach and his associates (1971) observed that:

The literature has consistently pointed to the conservative political orientation of police officers... Wilson (1967) has observed that Chicago police officers are unreceptive to social change. Skolnick (1966) concluded about the California police of his study that "a Goldwater type of conservatism was the dominant political and emotional persuasion of police (p. 61)". ...Bayley and Mendelsohn (1969) have reported that Denver police are more conservative and more Republican than the community as a whole. They also found that the age of policemen is not related to political orientation, concluding from this finding that it is initial selection rather than socialization after recruitment that explains police conservatism (pp. 157-8).



Rokeach et al. (1973) tested this predisposition hypothesis by examining a key variable concerning socialization in police organizations ­ namely, years of service. If this predisposition hypothesis held, then years of service as a measure of socialization within the police department would have no appreciable effect. The findings suggested that police of varying experience on the police force do not differ in value patterns (p. 166). This also indicates that police officers are, to a large extent, a very cohesive group with respect to their world view. Similarly, Sherrid (1979) analyzed the results of an administration of the Rokeach Terminal Value Survey among 384 police officers employed in the New York Metropolitan area. He observed a quite similar rank order of terminal value indicators to those identified by Rokeach, particularly that officers ranked equality low on the 18-value priority listing. However, Sherrid found that after planned, systematic exposure to evidence on the importance of equality in a democratic society police officers in an experimental group shifted their aggregate rank of equality from 16th to 11th while other indicators remained largely unchanged during a six-month educational period (also see, Teahan, 1975). Based on a survey conducted among police officers located in South Carolina, Griffeth and Cafferty (1977) also found general support for the Rokeach findings. They reported that the police officers they studied tended to rank values concerning private issues highly (e.g. self-respect and family security), and assign values involving social issues (e.g. social recognition) low priority. Similar findings were reported by Teahan (1975; and for a review, see Lefkowitz, 1975; Burbeck and Furnham, 1985). In sum, based on the studies discussed above it seems that the predominant values of the police profession remained rather stable for a period of 15 years (from the late 1960s to the 1980s, as reported by these studies), notwithstanding variation in regions and departmental size in the several studies reported. In all of the studies reviewed the rank order of terminal values observed was largely consistent with Rokeach's 1968 findings. Methods The data reported in this analysis are derived from a survey of employees of the Spokane police department conducted by the Division of Governmental Studies and Services at Washington State University. The employee survey was administered by the police department and returned directly to the university in postage prepaid envelopes for tabulation and analysis in the Fall of 1993. A total of 199 (77.4 percent) out of 257 sworn employees filled out and returned the survey. The demographic distribution of the responses matches closely that of the populations surveyed; the gender and ethnic composition of the respondent pool closely match the population surveyed[2]. The survey instrument included a section featuring the 18 Rokeach terminal value items (see Appendix). Respondents were asked to rearrange values presented on the right-hand side of the page by rank-ordering values in terms of

importance to them. As commonly used for this type of nonparametric analysis The Rokeach (Siegel, 1956), the median difference test was employed to examine the value theory of human differences obtaining among subgroups of officers in the Spokane police values revisited department. Additional consideration. In addition to the variable of years of service dimension introduced by Rokeach et al. (1973), we include consideration of two 27 additional plausibly important variables that might reasonably become important to explanations for the changes in the definition of police professionalism which have come about since the Rokeach et al. study. Namely, the factors of educational attainment and gender are investigated below; i.e. contemporary police agencies are much more inclined to emphasize educational attainment (college degrees in many cases) and the inclusion of women in all elements of police work. The most noticeable call for a higher standard of education in police personnel appeared in the 1967 President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice: Police. The purpose of this appeal is clear ­ i. e. that the traditional culture of police organization needs to be changed. College education was seen as a particularly effective means to build into police agencies qualified police personnel who would bring about desired change in the police culture (p. 163). Positive responses can be heard over the 1970s with respect to the crucial role of higher education in police training and selection processes (e.g. Brown, 1974; Guller, 1972; Sherman, 1978). Goldstein (1977) noted correctly, though, that: "Elsewhere, however, rank-and-file officers strongly resisted the concept of college-level studies for the police..." (p. 284) at that time. Resistance continues today, particularly in rural areas, but the situation has changed substantially nonetheless. About 40 percent of the nation's larger police agencies even offer educational incentive pay to elevate educational attainment levels in police personnel (Bureau of Statistics, 1992: Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics 1990). It is widely believed that college level education changes the world view of police personnel, giving them a better understanding of human relations generally and a greater understanding of minority communities in particular. Similarly, it is assumed that problem solving skills are enhanced by the rigors of a college curriculum (e.g. US Department of Justice, 1987; Sherman, 1978; Carter and Sapp, 1990). In addition, the connections between educational attainment and job satisfaction (Dantzker, 1992; 1993) and job performance (Cascio and Real, 1979) have been subjects of careful analysis. The next variable included in the present analysis is gender. We decided to include this important factor which is widely assumed to make a difference in police organizations ­ namely, the putatively differing value preferences of male and female officers. Generally, the hiring of female officers is still considered pretty much an innovation in police organizations (Martin, 1993). Such a practice, since the 1970s, has symbolized a type of breakthrough for the traditional culture of police organizations (Steel and Lovrich, 1987; Leonard, 1985). Given the impact of legislative enactments and court rulings which emphasize equality of opportunity (for example, Title VII of the 1964 Civil



Rights Act and derivative equal employment and affirmative action programs), the hiring of female officers resulted at least in part from pressures external to police agencies (Potts, 1983; Martin, 1991). It seems reasonable to postulate that female officers would have different value orientations than their male counterparts; in particular, female officers would likely rank equality higher on their priority lists. As discussed earlier, significant differences concerning gender and educational attainment were found among the general public in a number of previous studies (e.g. Rokeach, 1973). Findings For comparison purpose, we include the results of two additional studies in Table I. The first study was reported by Rokeach et al. (1971). This set of results is reported because Rokeach et al.'s (1971) study was the earliest research done using the terminal value instrument to tap values of police officers. In addition, we report findings on the Rokeach value survey conducted among police officers in the Tacoma Police Department during the Spring of 1991 and reported by Caldero (1993)[3]. The two cities share many similarities, including geographic region and size of the city population served. However, Tacoma has a larger minority population (17 percent) than does Spokane (5 percent), and it is located in the densely populated Seattle-Tacoma metropolitan area while Spokane is located in the midst of a rural hinterland. Table I presents the ranking of 18 terminal value items at the aggregate level for police officers in a Midwest city in 1968, for Tacoma in 1991, and for Spokane in 1993.

Spokane, WA (N= 165) Md. Rank 9.4 10.4 9.2 10.9 12.5 10.5 6.2 8.1 7.9 8.8 9.3 11.0 10.6 9.7 7.3 11.6 8.7 9.2 (10) (12) (7) (15) (18) (13) (1) (4) (3) (6) (9) (16) (14) (11) (2) (17) (5) (8) Rokeach study (N= 153) Md. Rank 8.0 12.9 7.3 5.3 16.0 11.7 2.9 5.3 7.7 11.3 10.2 11.1 13.7 10.5 7.0 14.4 9.1 8.0 (8) (15) (5) (2) (18) (14) (1) (3) (6) (13) (10) (12) (16) (11) (4) (17) (9) (7) Tacoma, WA (N= 119) Md. Rank 7.2 10.1 9.2 14.1 15.5 12.5 3.4 8.7 4.1 8.1 7.6 13.9 10.2 10.0 6.2 13.1 7.9 9.4 (4) (12) (9) (17) (18) (14) (1) (8) (2) (7) (5) (16) (13) (11) (3) (15) (6) (10)

Terminal values A comfortable life An exciting life A sense of accomplishment A world of peace A world of beauty Equality Family security Freedom Happiness Inner harmony Mature love National security Pleasure Salvation Self-respect Social recognition True friendship Wisdom

Table I. Terminal value medians and composite rank orders: Spokane PD sample (1993), Rokeach et al. study (1968) and Tacoma PD study (1991)

The findings reported in Table I are generally consistent across studies, The Rokeach indicating that the values of police officers have remained quite stable over theory of human time[4]. Compared to the Rokeach et al. study conducted in 1968, and compared values revisited to the results of the Tacoma Police Department study conducted in 1991, the rank orders of these value items among police officers in the Spokane police department were remarkably similar[5]. The most noticeable change among 29 these 18 items occurs on the item "A world of peace". Not surprisingly, with the collapse of the former Soviet Union and the coming of the end of the cold war the threat to world peace for Americans has been reduced substantially. Similarly, officers ranked "National Security" lower than their counterparts did 20+ years ago. Additional minor differences can be identified in the rankings for "A comfortable life", "Freedom", and "True friendship". It is particularly noteworthy to point out that the ranking of "Equality", the most important predictor pertaining to political philosophy (Rokeach, 1973), is almost identical in all three studies ­ between 13th and 14th! Given the general findings of relatively small change regarding the value system of police officers over the course of the past 20+ years, we now turn our attention to the distribution of value items among subgroups of officers within the Spokane police department. We are interested in determining whether the reported ranking of these value items reflects a high or low degree of consensus among officers. The issue underlying our interest in the patterning of value priorities concerns the putative existence of an unique set of values or a tight "subculture" of values and beliefs shared among police officers. This topic has been the subject of debate among scholars in the past; for example, the debate between personality vs. socialization perspectives involving officers' attitudes toward their jobs and workplace stress experience reflects this interest in a police subculture phenomenon (Rokeach et al., 1971; Van Maanen, 1973; Bittner, 1975). Similar to Rokeach et al.'s study reported in 1971 we first examine the relationship between rank order of value items among officers and their years of services. Primarily using Rokeach et al.'s (1971) measure of officers' years of experience, the Spokane police department survey respondents are divided into three generational groups. The findings on years of service effects on values are reported in Table II. The comparison of three groups concerning the ranking of values displayed in Table II shows that only one item ­"Mature love" ­ featured a difference large enough to reach the 0.05 statistical significance level. This suggests that the ranking of value items among officers in the Spokane police department is very similar regardless of years in service. This finding is similar to what Rokeach et al. (1971, p. 166) concluded some 20 years ago ­ namely, that a high consensus on value orientations obtains among police officers which is largely independent of the length of one's service. Table III sets forth the results concerning the relationship between levels of education and the Rokeach value items. The findings listed in Table III indicate that police officers ranked value items quite similarly regardless of whether they had college degrees (and beyond) or reported no college experience. Differences on only three out of 18 items reached


Terminal values A comfortable life An exciting life A sense of accomplishment A world of peace A world of beauty Equality Family security Freedom Happiness Inner harmony Mature love National security Pleasure Salvation Self-respect Social recognition True friendship Wisdom Note: * p < 0.05

1-3 years (N= 33) Md. Rank 9.1 10.3 7.9 11.9 11.3 10.4 7.9 9.4 8.2 8.5 11.6 11.1 10.3 7.9 7.6 10.7 8.1 9.9 (8) (12) (2) (15) (17) (13) (4) (9) (6) (7) (18) (16) (11) (3) (1) (14) (5) (10)

4-10 years (N= 36) Md. Rank 8.9 10.0 9.9 12.2 12.6 10.9 5.1 8.0 7.3 8.5 8.0 12.1 10.9 9.7 7.4 12.1 8.6 9.1 (8) (12) (11) (17) (18) (13) (1) (4) (2) (6) (5) (15) (14) (10) (3) (16) (7) (9)

11 years+ (N= 85) Md. Rank 9.8 10.6 9.6 10.1 12.7 10.3 6.1 7.9 8.1 9.2 9.1 10.4 10.6 10.1 7.3 11.7 8.7 8.9 (10) (16) (9) (12) (18) (13) (1) (3) (4) (8) (7) (14) (15) (11) (2) (17) (5) (6)

Median Test X2 0.34 0.05 0.82 2.91 3.61 1.21 1.12 0.67 2.07 0.75 14.37* 1.64 0.05 4.89 2.30 1.57 1.50 0.50


Table II. Terminal values among Spokane police officers, across categories of years of experience

Terminal values A comfortable life An exciting life A sense of accomplishment A world of peace A world of beauty Equality Family security Freedom Happiness Inner harmony Mature love National security Pleasure Salvation Self-respect Social recognition True friendship Wisdom Note: * p <0.05

Less than B.A. (N= 107) Md. Rank 9.1 10.0 9.4 11.0 12.5 10.6 6.5 8.8 7.8 8.9 9.5 10.5 9.8 10.3 7.6 11.5 8.5 9.0 (8) (12) (9) (16) (18) (15) (1) (5) (3) (6) (10) (14) (11) (13) (2) (17) (4) (7)

B.A. and above (N= 58) Md. Rank 9.9 11.1 8.8 10.8 12.5 10.3 5.5 6.9 8.0 8.7 8.8 11.9 8.6 9.7 6.8 12.0 8.9 9.5 (12) (15) (7) (14) (18) (13) (1) (3) (4) (6) (8) (16) (5) (11) (2) (17) (9) (10)

Median Test X2 0.79 1.60 0.48 0.76 0.01 0.22 0.13 4.39* 0.16 0.56 0.13 4.72* 7.35* 2.48 1.18 0.27 0.02 0.33

Table III. Terminal values among Spokane police officers, across categories of education

the 0.05 significance level across levels of education. It is particularly noteworthy The Rokeach that no noticeable gap was found across years of experience or educational levels theory of human with respect to the most important value item ­ equality. values revisited The next analysis concerns the difference in value orientations between male and female officers. As discussed earlier, the recent history of hiring female officers is one of a "fight" for gaining equal employment in public service on the part of 31 women patrol officers and upper ranks. Table IV reports the results of analysis on data obtained from the Spokane police department concerning gender differences. The value distribution displayed in Table IV indicates that there are generally no significant differences between male and female officers with respect to their value orientations. Only one item, "Happiness", out of 18 produces a difference which is statistically significant. In fact, the rank order of 18 items is remarkably similar for male and female officers in the Spokane police department. Discussion Nearly 60 years ago Chester Barnard (1938, p. 116) wrote in his classic work, The Functions of the Executive, that formal organization is established on the foundations of informal organization:

Informal organization... has two important classes of effects: a) it establishes certain attitudes, understandings, customs, habits, institutions; and b) it creates the condition under which formal organization may arise. Male (N= 141) Md. Rank 9.5 10.2 9.3 11.0 12.2 10.5 6.3 8.3 8.2 8.9 9.4 10.9 10.5 9.7 7.4 11.4 8.5 9.1 (10) (12) (8) (16) (18) (13) (1) (4) (3) (6) (9) (15) (14) (11) (2) (17) (5) (7) Female (N= 13) Md. 9.4 12.5 8.7 10.4 14.2 10.0 5.7 8.2 4.7 9.3 8.8 11.5 11.4 7.3 7.2 13.5 9.4 10.2

Terminal values A comfortable life An exciting life A sense of accomplishment A world of peace A world of beauty Equality Family security Freedom Happiness Inner harmony Mature love National security Pleasure Salvation Self-respect Social recognition True friendship Wisdom Note: * p < 0.05

Rank (10) (16) (6) (13) (18) (11) (2) (5) (1) (8) (7) (15) (14) (4) (3) (17) (17) (12)

Median Test X2 0.17 2.53 0.06 0.16 2.10 1.58 0.06 0.23 5.85* 0.76 0.67 0.08 0.00 1.83 0.20 2.10 2.12 0.02

Table IV. Terminal values among Spokane police officers, across gender categories



This paper focuses on this important aspect of a police organization by examining the individual value orientations of American police officers. By utilizing Rokeach value theory to study a police organization, the primary findings in this research suggest that the value orientations of police officers have remained remarkably stable over the past 30 years[6]. On one item, a world at peace, we did find fundamental change in rank order among police officers in the three agencies studied ­ a result likely reflecting the fact that the threat of a world war is much lower today than it was some three decades ago. Furthermore, a high degree of consensus on values can be found to be present among the officers of the Spokane police department despite the presence of a variety of plausibly important factors associated with diversity ­ such as varying level of experience, level of formal education, and gender. This set of findings may suggest that the hypothesized police subculture does indeed continue in force, and that the type of persons attracted to police work differs little today from what it has been in the past when traditional styles of policing held sway. A noticeable finding of this study is the low ranking of the value of equality among contemporary officers. Rokeach (1973) found that this single indicator was very reliable in predicting individual political orientation, and related closely to the willingness of a person to help poor and minority residents solve their social problems. Disturbed by what he found, Rokeach called for a change of police officer values in order to have them become more responsive to the disadvantaged in local communities. Today, progressive changes in the police organizations require more involvement by police officers in solving a range of problems in local neighborhoods, particularly in poor and minority areas of American cities (e.g. Eck and Spelman, 1987; Kelling, 1988). An important aspect of this change is presumed to be the achievement of partnership between the police and other social service and community-based organizations to accomplish the co-production of public order by police officers and local residents (Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux, 1990). Echoes of Rokeach are heard in the voices of those scholars urging that the value orientation of police officers should be emphasized at a time when the organizational culture of policing is being moved toward a more responsive type of organizational and operational service delivery format. In addition, our research sets forth an important question ­ namely, if individual values are an essential source of organizational culture, can police organization change without a clear understanding concerning the values of individuals in police agencies? We argue that a successful change of police organizational culture requires a corresponding shift of values among police officers, and necessitates a deeper understanding of how such a value change might be achieved. Conclusion As a first attempt to investigate police officers' value orientations using Rokeach value theory our findings in a single police agency are at once

interesting and limited in generalizability. As such, this research hopes to entice The Rokeach future research in the area of police officer values and the relationship between theory of human organizational culture and individual values in police organizations. Future values revisited research should pay close attention to both cross-sectional comparisons in numerous agency settings and longitudinal investigation in single agencies to assess the values of police officers and document any shifts in values occurring 33 over time. Some studies have found that being exposed to innovative programs has caused police officers to report a change in their workplace attitudes and in their level of job satisfaction (Wycoff and Skogan, 1994; Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux, 1990). We need to determine if these changes in their attitudes have had corresponding effects on the value orientations of these same police officers, inasmuch as value orientations tend to be enduring in contrast to more changeable attitudes. Because value orientations are typically more enduring and comprehensive than attitudes, long term change is best measured in terms of modifications in value orientations. We have raised more issues here than we have answered in this short paper. We hope to address these issues by examining the stability of values among police officers on a longitudinal basis. Further, we intend to incorporate officer's attitudes toward community policing in our future research. At the same time, we invite others to join the search for answers to the important questions raised here.

Notes 1. It is important to note that organizational culture also exerts strong influence on individual employees. In the area of policing, many aspects of police organization such as level of professionalism and openness to change have an important impact on police officers (Walker, 1977; Palombo, 1995) and the agency work environment (Bittner, 1975; Bayley and Bittner, 1984). 2. There were a total of 257 commissioned officers in the Spokane police department as of December, 1993. Eleven of them (4.3 percent) were minority officers, and 21 (8.2 percent) officers were female officers. In our survey sample, collected during the Spring of 1993, there were 15 (7.9 percent) female and 12 (6.0 percent) minority officers. There is no significant difference between our sample and the population of commissioned officers in the Spokane police department with respect to these and related background characteristics. 3. The survey of the Tacoma police department was conducted on 7-8 June 1991 based on an agreement with the police union. This period marked the transition between schedule changes which allowed researchers to tap officers' cognitions simultaneously from two different work schedules. A total of 166 questionnaires were distributed and 128 were completed, for a return rate of 77 percent. 4. There were 23 out of 199 employees in Spokane police department who did not fill out the section concerning the Rokeach Value Survey. However, there were no significant differences between the 23 who did not and 165 officers who did fill out the survey with respect to years of experience, level of educational attainment, and gender. For example, two female officers (8.7per cent) out of 23 employees did not respond to the value items, which was close to the percentage of female officers who filled out the survey (7.9 per cent).



5. One reviewer pointed out that a test should be conducted to find out if these three samples are from the same population. We decided to check the two most important value items ­ namely, freedom and equality. The Kruskal-Wallis rank order method was used to test the null hypothesis that there was no significant difference with respect to the ranking order of these two value items across the three samples. The Kruskal-Wallis statistic was 0.85, a magnitude which was well below the criteria score of 4.25 at the 0.10 significance level. 6. Readers should be cautious, of course, in interpreting these findings since they are derived from datasets gathered at three different periods of time and in three different locations. It is necessary to conduct a longitudinal study on value issues in a single police department over a substantial period of time to fully validate the claim of persistence of value orientations among American law enforcement officers. References Ball-Rokeach, S., Rokeach, M. and Grube, J. (1984), The Great American Values Test, The Free Press, New York, NY. Barnard, C. (1938), The Functions of Executive, University of Harvard Press, Cambridge, MA. Bayley, D. and Bittner, E. (1984), "Learning the skills of policing", Law and Contemporary Problems, Vol. 47, pp. 35-59. Beehr, T., Johnson, L. and Nieva, R. (1995), "Occupational stress: coping of police and their spouses", Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 16, pp. 3-25. Bittner, E. (1975), The Functions of the Police in Modern Society, National Institute of Mental Health, Washington, DC. Bond, M. (1988), "Finding universal dimensions of individual variation in multicutural studies of values: the Rokeach and Chinese value survey", Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 55, pp. 1009-1015. Breci, M. and Simons, R. (1987), "An examination of organizational and individual factors that influence police response to domestic disturbances", Journal of Pol ice Science and Administration, Vol. 15, pp. 93-104. Brown, L. (1974), "The police and higher education: the challenge of the times", Criminology, Vol. 12, pp. 114-24. Bureau of Statistics (1992), Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics 1990, US Government Printing Office, Washington, DC. Burbeck, E. and Furnham, A. (1985), "Police officer selection: a critical review of the literature", Journal of Police Science and Administration, Vol. 13, pp. 58-69. Buzawa, E. (1981), "The role of race in predicting job attitudes of patrol officers", Journal of Criminal Justice, Vol. 9, pp. 63-78. Buzawa, E. (1984), "Determining patrol officer job satisfaction", Criminology, Vol. 22, pp. 61-81. Caldero, M. (1993), "The community oriented policing reform philosophy: an evaluation and theoretical analysis", PhD, Dissertation at Washington State University. Carter, D. and Sapp, A. (1990), "The evolution of higher education in law enforcement: preliminary findings from a national survey", Journal of Criminal Justice Education, Vol. 1, pp. 59-85. Cascio, W. and Real, L. (1979), "The civil service exam has been passed: now what?", in Spielberger, C. (Ed.), Police Selection and Evaluation: Issues and Techniques, Hemisphere Publishing Corporation, New York, NY, pp. 115-41. Connor, P. and Becker, B. (1979), "Values and the organization: suggestions for research", in Rokeach, M. (Ed.), Understanding Human Values: Individual and Societal, The Free Press, New York, NY, pp. 71-81. Dantzker, M. (1992), "An issue for policing ­ education level and job satisfaction: a research note", American Journal of Police, Vol. 12, pp. 101-17.

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Appendix. Rokeach (1973) terminal values questionnaire Please arrange the following 18 value in terms of importance to you in your daily life, with the first value most important and the last value in your list least important to you: 1. ______ A comfortable life (a prosperous life) 2. ______ An exciting life (a stimulating active life) 3. ______ A sense of accomplishment (lasting contribution) 4. ______ A world at peace (free of war and conflict) 5. ______ A world at beauty (of nature and the arts) 6. ______ Equality (brotherhood, equal opportunity for all) 7. ______ Family security (taking care of loved ones) 8. ______ Freedom (independence. free choice) 9. ______ Happiness (contentness) 10. ______ Inner harmony (freedom from inner conflict) 11. ______ Mature love (sexual and spiritual intimacy) 12. ______ National security (protection from attack) 13. ______ Pleasure (an enjoyable, leisurely life) 14. ______ Salvation (saved, eternal life) 15. ______ Self-respect (self-esteem) 16. ______ Social recognition (respect, admiration) 17. ______ True friendship (close companionship) 18. ______ Wisdom (a mature understanding of life)

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