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World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh

Teaching Contemporary Global Issues Volume II

A Collection of Lessons Developed by Participants in the Summer Institute for Teachers June 28-30, 1999

This Institute was funded in part by a grant from the Henry C. Frick Educational Fund of The Buhl Foundation

Preface

The second annual Summer Institute for Teachers was held at Duquesne University from June 28th through June 30th, 1999. Sponsored by the World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh, the Institute featured a three-day workshop combining presentations on contemporary world affairs by top experts in the field, small group problem solving exercises in international issues, and lesson planning sessions emphasizing direct application to existing curricula. Each day began with a presentation given by a leading scholar. On June 28, Dr. Schuyler Foerster, President of the World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh, focused on "Responding to a Changing International Environment." On June 29, Dr. Ray Raymond, Political Officer of the British Consulate General in New York, shifted our attention to the issue of "NATO and Kosovo: Implications for the Future." In the last session on Friday, June 30, Dr. Augustus Richard Norton, Professor of International Relations and Anthropology at Boston University, addressed the subject of "The U.S. and the Muslim World: What Does Islam Explain?" Following the pattern established in the 1998 Summer Institute for Teachers, participants then engaged in group problem solving based on a foreign policy crisis scenario developed by the speaker. Using the data gathered in the presentation, each group had to develop a policybased response to the crisis, taking into consideration basic foreign policy principles and national interests. These group sessions heightened our awareness of the complexity and difficulty in shaping effective foreign policy decisions in the contemporary world. In the afternoon of each day, participants gathered together to construct specific lessons designed to translate the content of the workshop into classroom based materials suitable for their students. This collection of lessons is the product of their hard work in these afternoon sessions. They may be used as a single unit for the teaching of contemporary issues or they may be used individually and infused where applicable, dependent upon the specific needs of your students and curriculum. As in all cases involving curricular materials, feel free to make modifications in order to make them suitable for the specific subject you are teaching and for the academic level of the students in your classroom. Leonard R. Donaldson Educational Consultant World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh

(Opinions expressed in the following pages are those of the authors and not necessarily of the World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh.)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Participants

Jamil Bey McKeesport Area High School Raylene Boots Ellwood City High School John Donoghue Mt. Lebanon High School Jeff Flohr Oakland Catholic High School Stephanie R. Friel Pine-Richland High School James Gannon Baldwin High School Helen M. Houggy Hampton High School Michael Kemrer Ellwood City High School Tiffany Martin Fox Chapel Area High School Michael Menold Jamestown Area High School Dr. James E. Mooney Mt. Lebanon High School Olivia Mutone Seton La Salle High School Marc J. Risavi Reynolds Jr.-Sr. High School Carol Wilson Shady Side Academy Mark M. Wilson North Allegheny Intermediate High School

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Summer Institute for Teachers: Teaching Contemporary Global Issues June 28­30, 1999

Web Sites for Additional Information on Global Issues

United States Government Sites: Department of State (http://www.state.gov) Department of Defense (http://www.defenselink.mil) United States Information Agency (http://www.usia.gov) CIA Factbook (http://www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/index.html) Contains detailed profiles on individual nations and a brief description of significant transnational issues confronting each nation. General References on Foreign Policy and International Relations ACCESS (http://www.4access.org/Access_4hotlinks.html) An international affairs information service, ACCESS has compiled and categorized a listing of network links including government agencies, educational organizations, and international organizations. WWW Services for Historians (http://grid.let.rug.nl/ahc/hist.html) A site containing numerous links to other sources, organized by subject area, time period, and discipline. The World Bank (http://www.worldbank.org) Features numerous articles on economic development as well as economic data and statistical abstracts for individual nations. The United Nations (http://www.un.org) United Nations Information Services (http://www.undcp.or.at/unlinks.html) The Brookings Institution (http://www.brook.edu) A private, independent, nonprofit research organization, Brookings addresses current and emerging policy challenges and offers recommendations for dealing with them. Foreign Policy Association (http://www.fpa.org) Features the Great Decisions program and includes on-line discussions on U. S. foreign policy and international relations in general. North Atlantic Treaty Organization (http://www.nato.int) European Union (http://www.europa.eu.int) Islamic Studies Sites: The Islamic Foundation ( http://www.islamic-foundation.org.uk ) Al-Islam (http://al-islam1.org) Islamic City ( http://www.islam.org )

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Responding to a Changing International Environment

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Lesson 1: The Issue of American Primacy

Objectives: The student will be able to: Define the concept of primacy. Describe the place of the United States in the international community. Distinguish between a unipolar and a multipolar international order. Distinguish between unilateralism and consensus building in policy making. Materials: Student Handout: Policy Patterns Student Handout: We're Number One. Now What? Procedures and Activities: 1. Write the term "primacy" on the chalkboard. a. Ask students to explain what they think the term means. b. After the class arrives at the correct definition, ask them to provide examples of primacy in various areas of public life (actors/actresses, TV shows, athletic teams, sports figures, etc.) c. Write the phrase "We're Number One" on the chalkboard. Ask the class to describe what it takes to become "Number One" in any aspect of public life and what it takes to remain "Number One." d. Write the phrase "America is Number One" on the chalkboard. Ask the class to describe, based on their understanding of the world, what they think the phrase means. Is this a positive or a negative situation? 2. Distribute the Student Handout "Policy Patterns" to the class a. Discuss with the class the essential differences reflected in the three policy patterns. b. Ask students to explain, based upon their current understanding of international events and America's role in the world, which of these patterns appears to be motivating American foreign policy. 3. Distribute the Student Handout "We're Number One: Now What?" to the class. a. Allow students sufficient time to read through the article. b. Describe for the class the difference between a unipolar and a multipolar international order. c. Explain to the class the difference between a unilateral foreign policy and one based on consensus building. d. Divide the class into discussion groups and ask each group to reach a consensus on the question posed at the end of the article. e. Ask each group to present their argument as to which approach the United States should follow in formulating foreign policy. 4. Culminating Activity a. Review with students the status of the United States in the world today. b. Direct students to write a short essay explaining the benefits and risks of either unilateralism or st consensus building as a guiding principle in American foreign policy making in the 21 Century.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Policy Patterns The Issue of Power in International Relations

Principle All politics, domestic and international, reveal three basic patterns. . . to keep power, to increase power, or to demonstrate power.

Status Quo Policy

A nation whose foreign policy tends toward keeping power and not toward changing the distribution of power in its favor pursues a policy of the status quo. A nation whose foreign policy aims at acquiring more power than it actually has, through a reversal of existing power relations, pursues a policy of imperialism. A nation whose foreign policy works to demonstrate the power it has, either for the purpose of maintaining or increasing it, pursues a policy of prestige.

Imperialism

Policy of Prestige

Source: Hans Morganthau, Politics Among Nations

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We're Number One. Now What?

(Excerpted from "What to Do With American Primacy" by Richard N. Haass, Foreign Affairs, September/October 1999. Richard N. Haass holds the Sydney Stein, Jr., Chair in International Security at the Brookings Institution.)

We live in an era of contradictions: globalization and fragmentation, peace and conflict, prosperity and poverty. Only when one or more of these tendencies wins out will our era gain a name of its own, displacing the awkward "post-Cold War" tag line. But amid this uncertainty is the stark reality that the United States is the most powerful country in the world--first among unequals. Still, this is a description, not a purpose or a policy. The fundamental question that confronts America today is how to exploit its enormous surplus of power in the world: What to do with American primacy? It must be said at the outset that America's economic and military advantages, while great, are neither unqualified nor permanent. The country's strength is limited by the amount of resources (money, time, political capital) it can spend . . . Moreover, U.S. superiority will not last. As power diffuses around the world, America's position relative to others will inevitably erode. It may not seem this way at a moment when the American economy is in full bloom and many countries around the world are sclerotic, but the long-term trend is unmistakable. Other nations are rising, and non-state actors--ranging from Usama bin Ladin to Amnesty International to the International Criminal Court--are increasing in number and acquiring power. Meanwhile, the world is becoming more multipolar. . . . Like unipolarity, multipolarity is simply a description. It tells us about the distribution of power in the world, not about the character or quality of international relations. A multipolar world could be one in which several hostile but roughly equal states confront one another, or one in which a number of states, each possessing significant power, work together in common. Significant areas of international life are characterized by substantial cooperation, especially in the economic realm. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is an orderly, rule-based mechanism for resolving trade disputes and opening the world economy; finance ministers meet regularly to coordinate monetary policies; and broadly supported conventions ban bribery and corruption. Economic interaction is also regulated by an international marketplace that puts a premium on government policies and procedures--privatization, reduced government subsidies, accepted accounting practices, bankruptcy proceedings--that encourage investment and a free flow of capital. Military and political interactions are also regulated, although less deeply and extensively. There are some accepted grounds for using military force, such as self-defense. Norms (along with treaties or other arrangements to back them up) outlaw biological and chemical weapons, prohibit nuclear-bomb testing, and discourage the proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. In the political domain, formal international agreements promote human rights, outlaw genocide and other war crimes, and safeguard refugees. Clearly, though, the political-military area is going to be characterized by greater anarchy and discord than is economics. Important questions remain hotly debated: When is it legitimate to use military force other than in self-defense? What should be done to further limit weapons of mass destruction? What restrictions, if any, ought to exist on the ability of governments to act as they wish within their own borders? What should be the U.S. objective? Should the goal of American foreign policy be to resist such multipolarity and follow a unilateral approach or to persuade other centers of political, economic, and military power--including but not limited to nation-states--to believe it is in their self-interest to reach a consensus on how international society should be organized and should operate?

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 2: The Contemporary International System

Objectives: The student will be able to: Identify the characteristics of the contemporary international system. Materials: Student Handout: Ten Characteristics of the Contemporary International System Procedures and Activities: 1. Write the phrase "Stable or Unstable" on the chalkboard. a. Ask students to answer the question "Does the world today appear to be stable or unstable, based upon what you hear and read in the news?". (Emphasize that the question refers to events outside of the United States.) b. Ask students to hypothesize as to why the world appears as they see it. c. Ask students to explain what they believe is causing change around the globe . 2. Distribute the handout Ten Characteristics of the Contemporary International System. a. Discuss each characteristic with the class. b. After discussing each characteristic, ask students to explain whether the characteristic discussed confirms or refutes their view of a stable or unstable world. c. After discussing all ten characteristics, ask students to summarize their observations about stability in the international environment. st 3. Write the question "What should motivate U. S. foreign policy in the 21 Century?" on the chalkboard. a. Review with the class the consensus reached in the previous lesson. b. Divide the class into discussion groups and ask each group to reach a consensus on whether or not their consensus should be revised given the material contained in the Ten Characteristics of the Contemporary International System handout. c. Ask students to debate which approach should motivate American foreign policy ­power or ideas. d. Ask each group to present their argument as to which approach the United States should follow given the forces of change in the modern world. 4. Culminating Activity Return the student essays from the previous lesson. Ask students to re-examine their answer given the information contained in the Ten Characteristics of the Contemporary International System handout. Direct each student to write an additional essay supporting a st particular foreign policy approach for the United States at the turn of the 21 century and how this policy meets the challenges listed in the Ten Characteristics of the Contemporary International System.

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TEN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM Dr. Schuyler Foerster President, World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh 1. End of bipolarity US enjoys superior power position, but bears commensurate responsibilities, as others look to US either for leadership or as a competitor. 2. Proliferation of actors As states disintegrate (e.g., USSR, Yugoslavia), the number of states increases; as states cooperate, the number of international organizations increases; as business ties globe, the number of multinational corporations increases; as human issues become more visible and achieve political salience, thenumber of non-governmental humanitarian and activist organizations increases. 3. Globalization of the economy What happens economically in one part of the world will have impacts around the world. Growing interdependence of economic activity. One can no longer speak realistically of a 'national' economy. 4. Information revolution Information is the principal commodity of the post-in age, the most powerful engine of growth, and the most potent source of subversion of the status quo. 5. Expansion of democracy More countries are adopting a democratic political ethic-which is not to say that they share the same traditions or understand and apply the institutions in the same ways. The freedom to dissent in a society may outpace the ability of political institutions to manage such form of political participation. 6. Growing gap between 'haves' and 'have nots' Not all states share in the benefits of democracy, free markets, and the fruits of the information revolution. Those who do not find themselves falling further and further behind those who do, increasing the potential for conflict. 7. Disintegration of 'failed' states Owing to history, political leadership, poor economic conditions, social turmoil, or combinations thereof, some states are simply unable to sustain themselves as political entities. This creates a vacuum in which others intervene. 8. Prevalence of ethnic conflict Conflict within states is more a norm; conflict between states may become the exception. The source of conflict is less a desire to expand territory or to acquire resources, but increasingly to resolve by force political differences with ethnic roots. 9. Increasing violent means of warfare The technology of warfare is increasingly violent and destructive, offering even the smallest and poorest actors-state and non-state-weapons out of proportion to their power and resources. 10. Declining relevance of traditional instruments of state power In this environment, power is much more diffuse. The traditional instruments of power may not be usable because (a) their effectiveness in achieving political objectives is reduced, or (b) the costs and risks attending their use are less and less acceptable to the user. Examples include military force, clandestine intelligence operations, and economic sanctions.

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Lesson 3: The Information Revolution

Objectives: The student will be able to: Describe how the modern technology (Internet, CNN, etc.) has affected the amount of information available to the average citizen. Evaluate the impact this availability has had upon people's perceptions of the world around them. Analyze the problem of "authority" in evaluating the objectivity of available information. Define the concepts of perception and frame-of-reference. Materials: Textbook, library, and Internet resources Procedures and Activities: 1. Write the terms "perception" and "frame-of-reference" on the chalkboard. a. Ask students to provide a definition for these terms. b. Discuss with the class how one's personal perceptions and frame-of-reference are developed (culture, personal beliefs, exposure to different ideas, etc.). c. Explain to the class the difference between a broad and a narrow frame of reference. 2. Using available Internet resources, assign students to conduct a Web search for an historical personage, event, or organization. (Note: Select items that you believe are relevant to your subject matter and grade level or use the list below.) Mikhail Gorbachev John F. Kennedy Palestinians Franklin D. Roosevelt Taiwan United Nations Gulf War Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton Kashmir East Timor Vietnam War Pakistan Islam Kosovo Bosnia Boris Yeltsin Northern Ireland NATO Quebecois a. Direct students to print the list of Web sites that deal with their selected topic. b. Using available library text resources, assign students to construct a bibliography of available materials on the same topic. c. Using the textbooks available in your classroom, ask students to identify those pages in the textbook that deal with the same subject matter as their research topic. 3. Following research, bring students together and poll the class to answer the following questions and tally the results: a. How long did it take to find information on the Web site? b. How many sources did you identify on the Web? c. How long did it take to find information in the library? d. How many sources did you identify in the library? e. How much information did you locate in the textbook? 5. Ask the students to evaluate the volume of information they have obtained: a. Compare the amount of information available in the three sources of information. How different would the volume of available information be without the Internet, television, or radio? b. How different would it be if the textbook was the only available source of information? c. How different would it be if you removed all three of these resources? d. How would these changes affect their perceptions and frame of reference? e. Ask students to hypothesize about the importance of communications technology in the modern world. 11

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

6. Write the term "authority" on the chalkboard. a. Ask students to provide a definition for the term. b. Add the definition "a firm basis for knowing and acting" to the chalkboard. Explain to the class that a person who speaks with authority has a firm grasp of the subject matter and therefore can "speak with authority" on the subject. c. Ask the class to explain the difference between "bias' and "objectivity." d. Ask students to examine the printed list of Web sites and the bibliography they constructed. How do they know that the authors of the Web sites and texts speak with authority and present the material in an unbiased, objective manner? e. Ask the class to evaluate how the lack of an authoritative, objective source of information can distort both an individual's and a society's perceptions and frame-of-reference. 7. Culminating Activity Direct each student to write an essay describing both the benefits and dilemmas created by increased technology, connectivity, and the rapid dissemination of information and ideas .

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 4: The Power of Ideas

Objectives: The student will be able to: Define the concept of ethnic nationalism. Analyze the impact ethnic nationalism is having in the world today. Analyze the impact the expansion of democracy is having on the world today. Evaluate the role of democracy and human rights as a motivating force in American foreign policy. Materials: Student Handout: Democracy and the International Interest Student Handout: Nationalism and Ethnicity Recent newspaper and magazine articles Procedures and Activities: 1. Distribute the handout entitled: Democracy and the International Interest. a. Allow students sufficient time to complete the article. b. Ask students to identify the key point Strobe Talbott is making in his address. c. Review with the class the definition of a status quo policy. d. Divide the class into groups. Ask each group to reach a consensus on the following questions: Should the United States make promoting the spread of democracy and protection of human rights a central feature of its foreign policy? Would such a policy upset the status quo in those countries that are not democratic? Would such a policy be a stabilizing or a destabilizing force in international relations? e. Bring the class back together, and ask a spokesperson for each group to summarize the group's answer to the posed questions. 2. Distribute the handout entitled: Nationalism and Ethnicity. a. Go over the terms with the class. (Note: an excellent teacher reference is Pandaemonium: Ethnicity in International Politics by Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Oxford University Press, 1993.) b. Ask students to provide, based on their understanding of current events, contemporary examples of both liberation movements and unification movements. c. Divide the class into discussion groups. Ask each group to reach a consensus on the following questions: Do all ethnic groups or nationalities have an inherent right to self-determination? Should the United States advocate self-determination for those ethnic groups or nationalities that desire it? Would such a policy be a stabilizing or a destabilizing force in international relations? 3. Research Activity a. Distribute recent newspaper and magazine articles to the class. (Alternately, take the class to the library to conduct research using available library and Internet materials.) b. Direct students to analyze available resources for contemporary examples of liberation movements, unification movements, and human rights activism. c. Instruct students to use the available reference materials to identify the policy the United States is taking in regard to the specific movement being examined and to evaluate the appropriateness of that policy. d. Ask each student to report, either in an oral or written form, on the causes for and the relative success or failure of the movement.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Nationalism and Ethnicity Glossary of Terms

Common customs An ethnic group often has common customs, or ways of doing things. These customs may relate to food, housing, literature, holidays, religion, etc.

Common history

People who have lived together for hundreds of years share a common history. Their shared triumphs and defeats have resulted in common traditions and identities.

Common land

An ethnic group usually inhabits the same territory. This area is the group's homeland.

Ethnic group

A group of people who share a common culture, language, ancestry, or customs.

Nationality

A group of people who share a common territory, but not necessarily a common ethnic background.

Nationbuilding

The process of organizing and developing a united political state within a specific territory.

Nation-state

Historically, a nation-state is a country consisting mainly of a certain group united under a common government.

Nationalism

When you feel that you belong to a nation and are proud of that nation, you are experiencing nationalism.

Liberation Movement

Has the goal of freeing his/her people from suppression by a "foreign" power.

Unification Movement

Has the goal of creating one nation out of a people separated by state boundaries.

Source: Nationalism: Past and Present (Focus Media, Inc.)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Democracy and the International Interest

(Excerpts from an address delivered by Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott to the Denver Summit of the Eight Initiative on Democracy and Human Rights on October 1, 1997.)

. . . the advocacy and promotion of human rights and democracy have too often been the orphans, or

at least the poor cousins, of our common agenda. I suspect that many of you have encountered -perhaps even within your own ministries ­ the perception that those issues are, at best, second-order objectives -- luxuries in which practitioners of realpolitik can ill afford to indulge; a distraction of attention and a diversion of resources from the serious work of foreign policy; or, worse, that they represent a misguided, naïve attempt to impose "our" peculiar standards and models of governance on other political cultures, sometimes with disruptive or even disastrous results. Our answer to the skeptics, the critics, and the self-styled realists is straight-forward: look at history, and look at the world around us. Democracy contributes to safety and prosperity, both in national life and in international life -- it's that simple. The ability of a people to hold their leaders accountable at the ballot box is good not just for a citizenry so enfranchised -- it is also good for that country's neighbors, and therefore for the community of states. . . . democracies are less likely than non-democracies to go to war with each other, to persecute their citizens, to unleash tidal waves of refugees, to create environmental catastrophes, or to engage in terrorism. And democracies are more likely to be reliable partners in trade and diplomacy. That proposition holds with particular force in the increasingly interdependent world in which we now live. With trade, travel, and telecommunications linking our countries more closely together than ever, each of us has a growing stake in how other nations govern, or misgovern, themselves. All of which means that there is a hard-headed, national-interest-based rationale for weaving the promotion of human rights and democracy into the fabric of our diplomacy as a whole. It is, precisely, an imperative of realpolitik, not just of idealpolitik. It is also an imperative of sound economics. That indispensable companion of democracy -- rule of law -- helps enable a country to attract foreign investment and develop a market economy. [The support of democracy] must be, to the greatest extent possible, collective and coordinated. If we work together in the promotion of human rights and democracy, there is reason to hope that the principle of synergy will kick in -- that the whole will be more than the sum of its parts. . . That is partly because, when we speak and act in concert, we are not merely individual nations pursuing individual and therefore presumably selfish goals; rather we are a chorus of voices that can claim, with credibility and efficacy, to speak for an important part of the international community as a whole. When the family of democratic nations responds in concert to the overthrow of democracy, the chances of democracy surviving or being restored are much higher. Rather than seeing democracy as an American idea that we Americans have vigorously exported to the rest of the world, we should properly think of it as a universal ideal -- an inalienable right and aspiration of men and women everywhere.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 5: The "Haves" and "Have Nots"

Objectives: The student will be able to: List the characteristics of a Developed Country. List the characteristics of a Less Developed Country (LDC). Evaluate the relative stability of Developed Countries and LDCs. Explain the concept of a "revolution of rising expectations" Materials: Student Handout: Reading the Development Chart. Student Handout: Comparative Development Chart Procedures and Activities: 1. Distribute the student handout entitled Reading the Development Chart. a. Discuss with students each of the listed statistical categories. b. After discussing each category, create two columns on the chalkboard: "Developed Country" and "Less Developed Country (LDC)". c. Re-examine each statistical category, and ask the class the following questions. Write their answers beneath the appropriate column on the chalkboard. Do you think a Developed Country would have a high or low percentage of the population under 15? (Place "low percentage" in the Developed Country column and "high percentage" in the LDC column.) Do you think a Developed Country would be an economic aid donor or recipient? (Place "donor" in the Developed Country column and "recipient" in the LDC column.) Do you think a Developed Country would have a high or low infant mortality rate? (Place "low infant mortality rate" in the Developed Country column and "high infant mortality rate" in the LDC column.) Do you think a Developed Country would have a high or low GDP? (Place "high GDP" in the Developed Country column and "low GDP" in the LDC column.) Do you think a Developed Country would have a high or low GDP per capita? (Place "high GDP per capita" in the Developed Country column and "low GDP per capita" in the LDC column.) Do you think a Developed Country would have a high or low life expectancy? (Place "high live expectancy" in the Developed Country column and "low life expectancy" in the LDC column.) Do you think a Developed Country would have a high or low literacy rate? (Place "high literacy rate" in the Developed Country column and "low literacy rate" in the LDC column.) Do you think a Developed Country would have a high or low population growth rate? (Place "low population growth" in the Developed Country column and "high population growth" in the LDC column.) d. Remind students that total population is a relative statistic that depends on how well the nation can provide for its people. e. Discuss with students that military expenditures are indicative of the priorities of the state. The higher the percentage of GDP spent on the military, the less can be spent on meeting domestic needs. f. Ask students to evaluate the issue of stability and instability reflected in the statistics. Which type of country, Developed or LDC, appears to be most likely to experience unrest and instability based on the standard of living reflected in the statistics? Why?

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2. Distribute the student handout Comparative Development Chart. a. Divide the class into discussion groups. b. Ask each group to place the nations in the chart in one of three categories: Developed, LDC, or Making Development Progress. (Explain that those placed in the third category are those that are approaching Developed status but have not quite reached it statistically.) c. After each group has reached a consensus, bring the class together and compile a comprehensive list of countries that belong in each of the three categories. Ask students to defend their placement using the data provided. 4. Circle those countries listed in the Making Development Progress category. a. Ask students to imagine themselves as a citizen of one of these countries. Based on the statistics, would they be hopeful or fearful of the future? Why? . b. Explain the concept of a "revolution of rising expectations." (i.e. Based on current improvements in the standard of living, the people are expecting progress, growth, and development. Indeed, they are certain of it.) c. Ask the class to hypothesize what would happen if the economy suddenly experienced a rapid slide toward depression. What would happen to expectations and hopes for the future? Who would be blamed for the "bursting of dreams"? Would the political and social situation be more or less stable? 5. Research Opportunities a. Using available library and Internet resources, direct students to research the Indonesian economic crisis and to write a short paper explaining how the Indonesian crisis reflects the issues discussed in this lesson. b. Using available library and Internet resources, assign each student a country listed in the LDC column. Direct students to research the current political and social condition within that country and to write a short paper explaining whether or not the existing conditions verify the hypothesis that LDC nations tend to be unstable. c. Using available library and Internet resources, assign each student a country not listed on the Development Chart. Direct students to obtain statistics for each category on the chart, to classify the country according to these statistics, and to write a short essay explaining why the classification is justified.

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Reading the Development Chart Glossary of Terms

Age structure This entry provides the distribution of the population according to age. Information is included for the 0-14 years age group. The age structure of a population affects a nation's key socioeconomic issues. Countries with young populations (high percentage under age 15) need to invest more in schools, while countries with older populations (high percentage ages 65 and over) need to invest more in the health sector. The age structure can also be used to help predict potential political issues. For example, the rapid growth of a young adult population unable to find employment can lead to unrest.

Economic aid: (donor)

This entry refers to net official development assistance (ODA) from Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) nations to developing countries and multilateral organizations. ODA is defined as financial assistance that is concessional in character, has the main objective to promote economic development and welfare of LDCs.

Economic aid-- (recipient)

This entry refers to the net inflow of Official Development Finance (ODF) to recipient countries. The figure includes assistance from the World Bank, the IMF, and other international organizations and from individual nation donors. Formal commitments of aid are included in the data.

Infant

mortality rate

This entry gives the number of deaths of infants under one year old in a given year per 1,000 live births in the same year. This rate is often used as an indicator of the level of health in a country.

GDP

This entry gives the gross domestic product (GDP) or value of all final goods and services produced within a nation in a given year.

GDP (per capita)

This entry shows GDP on a purchasing power parity basis divided by population as of July 1st for the same year.

Life expectancy at birth

This entry contains the average number of years to be lived by a group of people born in the same year, if mortality at each age remains constant in the future. Life expectancy at birth is also a measure of overall quality of life in a country and summarizes the mortality at all ages.

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Literacy

This entry includes literacy percentages (age 15 and over can read and write) for the total population. Information on literacy, while not a perfect measure of educational results, is probably the most easily available and valid for international comparisons. Low levels of literacy, and education in general, can impede the economic development of a country in the current rapidly changing, technology-driven world

Military expenditures (percent of GDP)

This entry gives current military expenditures as an estimated percent of gross domestic product (GDP).

Population

This entry gives an estimate from the US Bureau of the Census based on statistics from population censuses, vital statistics registration systems, or sample surveys pertaining to the recent past and on assumptions about future trends. The total population presents one overall measure of the potential impact of the country on the world and within its region.

Population growth rate

The average annual percent change in the population, resulting from a surplus (or deficit) of births over deaths and the balance of migrants entering and leaving a country. The rate may be positive or negative. The growth rate is a factor in determining how great a burden would be imposed on a country by the changing needs of its people for infrastructure (e.g., schools, hospitals, housing, roads), resources (e.g., food, water, electricity), and jobs. Rapid population growth can be seen as threatening by neighboring countries

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Comparative Development Chart

Country Population Life expectancy at birth Infant mortality rate Population growth rate Age structure 0-14 Literacy GDP ($ billions) GDP (per capita) Economic aid ($ billions) Military expenditures (% of GDP)

Denmark

5,356,845

76.51

5.11

0.38%

18%

99.0%

$124.4

$23,300

d $1.6

1.60%

Bangladesh

127,117,967

60.6

69.68

1.59%

38%

38.1%

$175.5

$1,380

r $1.475

1.80%

Rwanda

8,154,933

41.31

112.86

2.43%

44%

60.5%

$5.5

$690

r $0.711

3.80%

Venezuela

23,203,466

72.95

26.51

1.71%

33%

91.1%

$194.5

$8,500

r $0.51

1%

Canada

31,006,347

79.37

5.47

1.06%

20%

97.0%

$688.3

$22,400

d $2.1

1.20%

Turkey

65,599,206

73.29

35.81

1.57%

30%

82.3%

$425.4

$6,600

r $0.195

4.30%

Senegal

10,051,930

57.83

59.81

3.32%

48%

33.1%

$15.6

$1,600

r $0.648

1.40%

Guatemala

12,335,580

66.45

46.15

2.68%

43%

55.6%

$45.7

$3,800

r $0.212

0.70%

Malaysia

21,376,066

70.67

21.68

2.08%

35%

83.5%

$215.4

$10,300

r $0.125

2.10%

Syria

17,213,871

68.09

36.42

3.15%

46%

70.8%

$41.7

$2,500

r $0.327

8%

Kazakhstan

16,824,825

63.39

58.82

-0.09%

28%

98.0%

$52.9

$3,100

r $0.410

1%

USA

272,639,608

76.23

6.33

0.85%

22%

97.0%

$8,511.0

$31,500

d $7.4

3.40%

Ireland

3,632,944

76.39

5.94

0.38%

21%

98.0%

$67.1

$18,600

d $0.153

1%

India 1,000,848,55 0 Mexico 100,294,036

63.4

60.81

1.68%

34%

52.0%

$1,689.0

$1,720

r $1.604

2.70%

72

24.62

1.73%

35%

89.6%

$815.3

$8,300

r $1.166

1.30%

Cote d'Ivoire Egypt

15,818,068

46.05

94.17

2.35%

47%

48.5%

$24.2

$1,680

r $1

0.90%

67,273,906

62.39

67.46

1.82%

36%

51.4%

$188.0

$2,850

r $2.4

8.20%

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 6: Foreign Policy Decision Making: A Simulation

Objectives: The student will be able to: Identify and describe American national interests in various regions of the world. Define specific foreign policy goals for the United States based on these national interests. Apply principles of sound policy making in a crisis simulation. Materials: Student Handout: China and Taiwan ­ a Scenario Procedures and Activities: 1. Review the following items with the class: a. The difference between unilateralism and consensus building. b. Hans Morganthau's policy patterns. c. Strobe Talbott's argument on democracy and the national interests. 2. Divide the class into small groups of four or five students each, depending on the size of the class. a. Explain to the class that this is a foreign policy simulation exercise and that they are to assume the role of advisors to the President of the United States, where they will be required to suggest a particular foreign policy response to an emerging crisis. b. Direct students to apply the skills in policy making that they have developed during this unit in formulating a policy response. 3. Distribute a copy of the scenario to each group. a. Within their groups, direct students to analyze the scenario, to debate the appropriate course of action based on the questions asked, to reach a consensus on a policy response, and to record their responses for presentation to the class. b. Allow 15 ­ 20 minutes for this activity. c. Direct each group to select a spokesperson to present their findings to the class. 4. Presentations: a. Call on the spokesperson for each group to summarize the issues in the scenario, to define American national interests in this region, and to present the policy response decided upon by the group. b. Encourage students in the audience to ask questions clarifying the rationale behind the policy response. c. Ask presenters and/or audience to debate alternative responses to the crisis. 5. Culminating Activity Based on their experiences in the scenario and the policy making issues discussed in this unit, direct students to write a comprehensive essay summarizing the dilemmas faced by American policy makers and the difficulties faced in shaping effective foreign policy in the contemporary world.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

21

China and Taiwan ­ A Scenario

(This scenario was prepared by Dr. Schuyler Foerster, President of the World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh.)

The year is 2001. Over the past two years, relations between the U.S. and China have improved markedly. The U.S. has continued to extend Most-Favored Nation (MFN) trade status to China on a year-by-year basis, and the new Congress is considering making MFN permanent. Last year, the U.S. agreed to Chinese membership in the World Trade Organization. On a bilateral level, China's trade deficit with the U.S. has dropped from over $45 billion a few years ago to about $35 billion - still sizeable, but moving in the night direction, representing both a leveling of American demand for Chinese goods and Chinese efforts to promote more American imports into China. The 'nuclear spy' scandal of 1999 has died down, with no new indications of clandestine Chinese espionage. The 2000 elections also did not bring new allegations of Chinese meddling in American politics. The Chinese have also taken some constructive steps regionally. They have continued to host the Four Power (US-China-North Korea-South Korea) talks on Korea, and there are hopeful signs of movement. The Chinese also claim to have ceased the transfer of ballistic missile technology to states like Iran and Pakistan, and the intelligence community reports no evidence to counter that claim. China and Japan have launched a series of economic and cultural projects designed to improve their relations as well. On Taiwan, there has been growing concern that strong relations between the U.S. and China would decrease Taiwanese influence in Washington. A series of local and international polls have recently indicated that a strong and growing majority on the island want to severe their ties to the mainland and become an independent state. Taiwanese are increasingly concerned that the island might become like Hong Kong, which has gone into steep decline as it lost its unique political and economic importance as a gateway to the Mainland. The possibility of Taiwanese independence is becoming more openly discussed, and there is growing pressure on Taiwan President Lee Tenghui to approach the President of the United States directly on support for Taiwanese independence and reversal of the U.S. "one China" policy. China's President Jiang Zemin has written to the President of the United States a firmly worded letter, reminding him that China will not tolerate a unilateral declaration of independence by Taiwan and will respond, if necessary by force, to keep Taiwan in China. He reminds the President of the growing cooperation between "the world's two greatest powers" and asks that the President clearly reaffirm U.S. opposition to Taiwanese independence. A similar warning was sent to Tokyo. As his foreign policy advisor, the President has asked you to meet in one hour and to advise him on how to respond to the Chinese letter. What would you advise the President? 1. What should U.S. objectives be? 2. What U. S. national interests or commitments are involved? 3. What are our principal options? Be prepared to identify advantages and disadvantages of each and to make recommendations on the best course to follow.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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NATO and Kosovo: Implications for the Future

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 7: NATO: A History

Objectives: The student will be able to: Describe the Western view of the Soviet Union at the end of the Second World War. Explain the rationale behind the Cold War policy of confrontation and containment. Explain the origins of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Trace the history of the Cold War 1945 - 1991 Materials: Student Handout: The Origins of NATO Student Handout: Stalinism Student Handout: Cold War Europe, 1962 Procedures and Activities: 1. Distribute the handout The Origins of NATO. a. Allow students time to read the handout. b. Based on the evidence given in the handout, ask students to describe the purpose of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). 2. Enter into a discussion in order to establish a vocabulary for the study of the Cold War: a. Place the term "deterrent" and the phrases "Confrontation and Containment" and "Mutual Defense Alliance" on the chalkboard. Ask students to define these terms to the best of their ability. b. Discuss with the class the concepts of collective security and mutual defense as a means to deter aggression. c. Ask students to explain the purpose of NATO in the context of collective security and deterrence. 3. Distribute the student handout entitled Cold War Europe, 1962 . a. Explain to the class the concept of the "Iron Curtain" and ask them to identify those nations that were behind the Iron Curtain. b. Ask students to identify the members of NATO listed on the map. c. Ask students to explain how the map illustrates the concept of containment. 4. Distribute the student handout entitled Stalinism. a. Allow students sufficient time to read the handout. b. Review with students the concept of "Totalitarianism". (If the concept has not yet been introduced, explain it to the class.) c. Based on the data in the handout, ask students to evaluate whether or not Soviet control of Eastern Europe could be classified as Totalitarian. 5. Research Opportunity a. Assign students to conduct research projects on various events of the Cold War. (Berlin Airlift, Berlin Wall, Hungarian Uprising of 1956, Cuban Missile Crisis, Prague Spring (1968), etc.) b. Direct students to explain in their research paper how the event being studied reflects the concept of confrontation and containment. c. Following their research, direct each team to provide a short written report on the topic and to present a brief oral presentation to the class. 6. Culminating Activity Direct students to write a short essay on whether or not they believe collective security is an effective deterrent to aggression.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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The Origins of NATO

At the Yalta Conference in 1945, Franklin Roosevelt of the U.S., Winston Churchill of Great Britain, and Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union finalized plans for reconstructing Europe after the defeat of Nazi Germany. The Big Three (as they were called) created the processes for restoring government in countries that had been under Nazi control during World War II (1939-1945). They assigned occupation zones to each of the four major Allied nations. The U.S., Britain, and France shared occupation responsibilities in West Germany and West Berlin. Soviet troops occupied East Germany, East Berlin, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Albania, and Yugoslavia. Tightly controlled elections produced a communist government in each of the Soviet occupied countries. West Germans created a republic. In 1947, the U.S. offered massive economic aid to Europe's devastated countries to help in their postwar recovery. The Soviet Union and all of its satellites, except Yugoslavia, refused this aid. There were disagreements among the four countries with troops in Germany about Germany's future. On June 24, 1948, Soviet troops closed land approaches to Berlin, hoping to force out the other Allies. An American-led airlift of all supplies necessary for Berlin followed and forced the Soviets to lift the blockade on May 12, 1949. Tensions between the Soviet Union and the Western powers deepened. In May 1948, the United States and Canada joined most Western European nations in forming a single North Atlantic Alliance based on mutual defense--NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization). These negotiations culminated in the signing of the Treaty of Washington in April 1949, bringing into being a common security system based on a partnership among 12 countries. In 1952, Greece and Turkey joined the alliance. The Federal Republic of Germany joined in 1955 and, in 1982, Spain also became a member of NATO. Soon after NATO was created, the Soviets began tightening their control of Eastern Europe. In 1949, COMECON (Council for Mutual Economic Assistance) was formed to link the economies of the Soviet Union and its satellites. In 1955, these same countries formed the Warsaw Pact, a military alliance. In 1957, Western European countries created the European Economic Community, a common market linking Europe's most prosperous countries. The division of Europe into two opposing political and economic camps was complete. The Cold War was at its most intense.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

25

Stalinism

(An excerpt from Prague's 200 Days: The Struggle for Democracy in Czechoslovakia 1969 Praeger, New York. A history by New York Times correspondent Harry Schwartz.)

In November 1952, fourteen former high-ranking Czechoslovak officials were placed on trial. All the accused pleaded guilty and confessed at length... While the trial was under way, meetings were orchestrated all over Czechoslovakia. In factories, schools, and elsewhere, demands for the death penalty were made. Predictably, those demands were granted. [Eleven of the defendants, including former Czechoslovak Communist Party Secretary-General Rudolph Slansky, were sentenced to death and were hanged on the morning of December 3. The other three accused men were sentenced to life imprisonment. These included former Foreign Trade Minister Eugen Loebl.] Sixteen years later, in mid-1968, Loebl described how his confession had been obtained: "I had to stand during the examinations, and I was not allowed to sit down in the cell. The interrogations lasted [an] average of sixteen hours a day; there was an interval of two hours [when I was allowed to sleep]. Every ten minutes the warden pounded on the door, and I had to jump to attention and report. 'Detainee number fourteen seventy three reports: strength one detainee, everything in order.' Naturally, the first two or three nights I could not fall asleep again after the first awakening. Later I was so tired that as soon as I lay down after making the report I fell asleep. I was awakened thirty or forty times every night. Sometimes when the loud bangs on the door did not wake me, the warden came into the cell and kicked me. Another instrument was hunger. After two or three weeks my feet were swollen; every inch of my body ached at the slightest touch... The interrogation­three officials alternated­was a never-ending stream of abuse, humiliation, and threats." Nothing was publicly known then of this and other bestialities that produced the "confessions." On the contrary, at that time, to have participated in the arrangements for this purge was considered a mark of great political merit... The trials of 1952-54 were merely the visible tips of the Stalinist icebergs that chilled and terrorized Czechoslovakia in the years after the 1948 Communist takeover. Tens of thousands of obscure figures were sent to jail for real or imagined political opposition. All opposition parties were destroyed and replaced by a group of puppet parties retained to give the illusion that the Communists did not have a monopoly on all power. Czechoslovakia's economic and cultural ties with the West were severed, and the Iron Curtain descended. Schools, newspapers, theaters, films, radio, and television were turned into propaganda media on the Soviet model. Libraries were purged, and millions of books with dangerous "bourgeois" ideas were converted to pulp. A network of secret police informers, covering every street and every apartment house, kept the populace under constant, vigilant surveillance. Czechoslovakia was the last of the Eastern European countries to fall under Communist rule, but its masters sought to make up for lost time by the thoroughness, speed, and fidelity with which they reproduced Stalin's patterns.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

26

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

27

Lesson 8: The Role of NATO in the Post-Cold War Era

Objectives: The student will be able to: Explain the concept of "paradigm." Evaluate the Cold War paradigm in light of the events of 1989 ­ 1991. Analyze the steps taken by NATO to adjust to changing circumstances in Europe. Outline the basic principles of the Blair Doctrine. Materials: Student Handout: NATO: A Timeline Student Handout: The Blair Doctrine Procedures and Activities: 1. Review with students the concepts of "deterrence" and "confrontation and containment" from the previous lesson. a. Ask students to explain how the existence of NATO apparently acted as a deterrent to Soviet aggression in Europe. 2. Place the term "paradigm" on the chalkboard. a. Ask students to brainstorm a definition of the word. b. Following the discussion, provide a definition for a paradigm ­ an overall concept or model, based on perception, that determines attitudes and actions because it is believed to be effective in dealing with a particular situation. c. Ask students to answer a series of perception questions based on the previous lesson: True or False. Stalinism is equivalent to Totalitarianism. True or False. The Soviet Union conducted a foreign policy that was aggressive, militaristic, and expansionist. True or False. Therefore, the Soviet Union must be deterred from further aggression by a constant, vigilant policy of deterrence based on collective security. d. Ask students to describe why the policy of confrontation and containment may be considered a paradigm in Western dealings with the Soviet Union. 3. Distribute the student handout NATO: A Timeline a. Review with the class the events listed from 1945 ­ 1982. b. Ask students to hypothesize as to the significance of the last two events listed on the timeline. c. Review with the class the Ten Characteristics of the Contemporary International System. d. Ask students to evaluate whether or not the Cold War paradigm is still viable given the last two events listed on the timeline. e. Ask students to discuss the following issue: If the Cold War paradigm is no longer viable, what is the purpose of NATO? 4. Distribute the student handout entitled The Blair Doctrine. a. Allow students sufficient time to read the document. b. Ask students to identify what Tony Blair states as the most pressing foreign policy problem faced by NATO. c. Ask students to explain how this problem compares in severity to the Cold War problem posed by the Soviet Union. d. Ask students to identify Blair's five criteria for intervention. e. Ask students to evaluate the Blair Doctrine. Does it demonstrate one or more of Hans Morganthau's policy patterns? How does it compare to Strobe Talbott's argument about the role of democracy in international relations? 5. Culminating Activity a. Direct students to write a short essay explaining whether or not they believe the Blair Doctrine is an appropriate guide for NATO policy making.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

28

THE BLAIR DOCTRINE

April 22, 1999 (Speaking before the Chicago Economic Club, British Prime Minister Tony Blair unveiled his "Doctrine of the International Community". This is an excerpt from that speech.)

We are witnessing the beginnings of a new doctrine of international community. By this I mean the explicit recognition that today more than ever before we are mutually dependent, that national interest is to a significant extent governed by international collaboration and that we need a clear and coherent debate as to the direction this doctrine takes us in each field of international endeavor. Just as within domestic politics, the notion of community - the belief that partnership and co-operation are essential to advance self-interest - is coming into its own; so it needs to find its own international echo. Global financial markets, the global environment, global security and disarmament issues: none of these can he solved without intense international cooperation. . . International Security The most pressing foreign policy problem we face is to identify the circumstances in which we should get actively involved in other people's conflicts. Non-interference has long been considered an important principle of international order. And it is not one we would want to jettison too readily. One state should not feel it has the right to change the political system of another or foment subversion or seize pieces of territory to which it feels it should have some claim. But the principle of non-interference must be qualified in important respects. Acts of genocide can never be a purely internal matter. When oppression produces massive flows of refugees which unsettle neighboring countries then they can properly be described as "threats to international peace and security". When regimes are based on minority rule they lose legitimacy - look at South Africa. Looking around the world there are many regimes that are undemocratic and engaged in barbarous acts. If we wanted to right every wrong that we see in the modern world then we would do little else than intervene in the affairs of other countries. We would not be able to cope. So how do we decide when and whether to intervene? I think we need to bear in mind five major considerations: First, are we sure of our case? War is an imperfect instrument for righting humanitarian distress; but armed force is sometimes the only means of dealing with dictators. Second, have we exhausted all diplomatic options? We should always give peace every chance, as we have in the case of Kosovo. Third, on the basis of a practical assessment of the situation, are there military operations we can sensibly and prudently undertake? Fourth, are we prepared for the long term? In the past we talked too much of exit strategies. But having made a commitment we cannot simply walk away once the fight is over; better to stay with moderate numbers of troops than return for repeat performances with large numbers. And finally, do we have national interests involved? The mass expulsion of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo demanded the notice of the rest of the world. But it does make a difference that this is taking place in such a combustible part of Europe. I am not suggesting that these are absolute tests. But they are the kind of issues we need to think about in deciding in the future when and whether we will intervene. . .

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

29

NATO: A Timeline

1945 World War II ends, Nazi Germany is defeated by the allied powers led by the United States and the Soviet Union.

1946

U. S. and Soviet Union clash over reorganization of countries and governments in Central and East Europe.

1947

George F. Kennan designs a policy of 'containment" against the expansion of Soviet influence in Europe; President Truman accepts the policy, and the Cold War begins.

1949

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is created by the North Atlantic Treaty, an agreement for collective defense signed by 12 nations of Western Europe and North America.

1950

General Dwight Eisenhower is named supreme allied commander in Europe and head of integrated NATO defense forces.

1952

Greece and Turkey join NATO.

1955

Federal Republic of Germany joins NATO; Soviet Union organizes Warsaw Pact in response to NATO.

1982

Spain becomes a member of NATO.

1990

Soviet-dominated Communist governments decline and fall throughout East Europe; Germany is unified under democratic government and constitution of West Germany.

1991

Warsaw Pact is dissolved; Cold War appears to be over.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

30

Lesson 9: NATO and Russia

Objectives: The student will be able to: Describe the current relationship between Russia and NATO. Outline the basic principles of the Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation. Evaluate the current relationship between NATO, Russia, and the former states of the Soviet Union. Materials: Student Handout: Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation Student Handout: Excerpts from the NATO Handbook Procedures and Activities: 1. Review with the class the origin of the Cold War and the policy of confrontation and containment. 2. Distribute the student handout Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation. a. Direct students to read the segment entitled Statement of Intent. b. Ask students to compare the perceptions of NATO and Russia contained in this statement to those held by each during the Cold War. Are they similar or different? Why? 3. Direct students to read the sections entitled NATO and Russia. a. Ask students to outline the major changes being undertaken by both parties. b. Ask students to evaluate whether the changes reflected here warrant the change of perceptions reflected in the Statement of Intent. 4. Direct students to read the section entitled Cooperation. a. Discuss each of the seven points with the class. b. Ask students to evaluate whether the changes reflected here warrant the change of perceptions reflected in the Statement of Intent. 5. Distribute the student handout Excerpts from the NATO Handbook. a. Using available wall or desk maps, direct students to locate each of the members of the Partnership for Peace on a map. b. Using available textbooks, historical maps, or the student handout Cold War Europe, 1962 from Lesson 7, direct students to locate those PfP members who used to be part of the Soviet Union. c. Direct students to read the Background and Purpose and Function sections of the handout. d. Ask students to compare the intent of the Partnership for Peace to the intent stated in the Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation. Are they similar or different? 6. Culminating Activity Ask students to write an essay evaluating how successful NATO has been in building a new paradigm for security and cooperation in Europe.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

31

Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation (1997) Excerpts

Statement of Intent The North Atlantic Treaty Organization and its member States, on the one hand, and the Russian Federation, on the other hand, hereinafter referred to as NATO and Russia, based on an enduring political commitment undertaken at the highest political level, will build together a lasting and inclusive peace in the Euro-Atlantic area on the principles of democracy and cooperative security. NATO and Russia do not consider each other as adversaries. They share the goal of overcoming the vestiges of earlier confrontation and competition and of strengthening mutual trust and cooperation. . . They intend to develop, on the basis of common interest, reciprocity, and transparency, a strong, stable, and enduring partnership. This Act defines the goals and mechanism of consultation, cooperation, joint decision-making and joint action that will constitute the core of the mutual relations between NATO and Russia.

NATO

NATO has undertaken a historic transformation -- a process that will continue. In 1991 the Alliance revised its strategic doctrine to take account of the new security environment in Europe. Accordingly, NATO has radically reduced and continues the adaptation of its conventional and nuclear forces. While preserving the capability to meet the commitments undertaken in the Washington Treaty, NATO has expanded and will continue to expand its political functions, and taken on new missions of peacekeeping and crisis management in support of the United Nations (UN) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), such as in Bosnia and Herzegovina, to address new security challenges in close association with other countries and international organizations. NATO is in the process of developing the European Security and Defense Identity (ESDI) within the Alliance

Russia

Russia is continuing the building of a democratic society and the realization of its political and economic transformation. It is developing the concept of its national security and revising its military doctrine to ensure that they are fully consistent with new security realities. Russia has carried out deep reductions in its armed forces, has withdrawn its forces on an unprecedented scale from the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Baltic countries and withdrawn all its nuclear weapons back to its own national territory. Russia is committed to further reducing its conventional and nuclear forces. It is actively participating in peacekeeping operations in support of the UN and the OSCE, as well as in crisis management in different areas of the world. Russia is contributing to the multinational forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

32

Cooperation

To achieve the aims of this Act, NATO and Russia will base their relations on a shared commitment to the following principles:

·

development, on the basis of transparency, of a strong, stable, enduring and equal partnership and of cooperation to strengthen security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area; acknowledgement of the vital role that democracy, political pluralism, the rule of law, respect for human rights and civil liberties, and the development of free market economies play in the development of common prosperity and comprehensive security; refraining from the threat or use of force against each other as well as against any other state, its sovereignty, territorial integrity or political independence in any manner inconsistent with the United Nations Charter and with the Declaration of Principles Guiding Relations Between Participating States contained in the Helsinki Final Act; respect for sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all states and their inherent right to choose the means to ensure their own security, the inviolability of borders and peoples' right of self-determination as enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act and other OSCE documents; mutual transparency in creating and implementing defense policy and military doctrines; prevention of conflicts and settlement of disputes by peaceful means in accordance with UN and OSCE principles; support, on a case-by-case basis, of peacekeeping operations carried out under the authority of the UN Security Council or the responsibility of the OSCE.

·

·

·

·

·

·

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Excerpts from the NATO Handbook Partnership for Peace (PfP)

Background In January 1994, NATO invited North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC) and other countries to join a Partnership for Peace (PfP). It is a practical program going beyond dialogue and cooperation, designed to forge a partnership between the Alliance and participating states. The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) was inaugurated following the Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC) in Sintra, Portugal, on May 30,1997. The EAPC is a new cooperative mechanism which replaces the NACC and builds upon the successful political and military cooperation established under the NACC and Partnership for Peace (PfP). It provides the overarching framework for political and security related consultations and enhanced cooperation under PfP. All former NACC members and all PfP participating countries can automatically become members of the EAPC.

Members Albania Armenia Austria Azerbaijan Belarus Bulgaria Estonia Finland

The 24 PfP Countries Georgia Kazakhstan Kyrgyz Republic Latvia Lithuania Moldova Romania Russia Slovakia Slovenia Sweden Switzerland Turkmenistan Ukraine Uzbekistan the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

34

Purpose and Function

Partnership for Peace is a key factor in developing a new security relationship between the Alliance and PfP partners. It is expanding and intensifying political and military cooperation throughout Europe, increasing stability, diminishing threats to peace, and building strengthened security relationships by promoting the spirit of practical cooperation and commitment to democratic principles which underpin the Alliance. Cooperation within PfP is helping to: · · · facilitate transparency in national defense planning and budgetary processes; ensure democratic control of defense forces; maintain the capability and readiness to contribute, subject to constitutional considerations, to operations under the authority of the UN and/or the responsibility of the OSCE; develop cooperative military relations with the Alliance for the purpose of joint planning, training, and exercises, in order to strengthen the ability of the participating states to undertake missions in the field of peacekeeping, search and rescue, humanitarian operations, and in other areas.

·

Source: North Atlantic Treaty Organization (www.nato.int)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 10: NATO and Kosovo: A Case Study

Objectives: The student will be able to: Analyze the origins of the ethnic conflict within Kosovo. Trace the history of the Kosovo conflict. Analyze the reasons for NATO intervention in Kosovo. Materials: Student Handout: Chronology of Events Relating to the Kosovo Conflict Procedures and Activities: 1. Distribute the student handout Chronology of Events Relating to the Kosovo Conflict. a. Allow students sufficient time to read through the handout. b. Based upon their analysis, ask the class to identify the causes of the Kosovo conflict. ( If the term "ethnic cleansing" has not been previously defined, introduce it at this point.) c. Ask students to explain whether the goal of the KLA can be classified as a unification movement or a liberation movement. 2. Review with the class the basic principles of the Blair Doctrine. a. Place the following question on the chalkboard: "Was NATO justified in intervening in Kosovo?" b. Divide the class into discussion groups. c. Direct each discussion group to answer the question by applying the five criteria of the Blair Doctrine to the situation in Kosovo. Ask each group to reach a consensus on the question of whether or not the situation in Kosovo met the criteria established by the Blair Doctrine for intervention. Remind each group that they must support their decision with evidence from the chronology. d. Bring the class together and direct each group to present its findings. e. If the groups have reached differing conclusions, discuss the differences with the class and try to reach a general consensus. 3. Culminating Activity a. Using available library and Internet resources, direct students to research the current situation in Kosovo. b. Divide the class into discussion groups. Direct students in each group to share the information they discovered on the current situation. c. Place the following question on the chalkboard: "Has NATO involvement in Kosovo been a success? Why or why not?" d. Direct each group to develop an answer to the question. e. Direct each group to give a brief oral presentation, being certain to include the rationale behind their answer and to provide supporting information for their position.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS RELATING TO THE KOSOVO CONFLICT (ASSOCIATED PRESS)

1968--First pro-independence demonstrations by ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, many arrested. 1974--Yugoslav constitution redrawn, declares Kosovo an autonomous province within Serbia. 1980--Yugoslav leader Marshal Josip Broz Tito dies. 1981­­Ethnic Albanians hold street demonstrations demanding Kosovo be declared a republic, dozens injured. 1989­­Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic strips Kosovo of autonomy. More than 20 killed in protests. 1990­­Yugoslavia sends in troops to impose control. Serbia dissolves Kosovo's government. 1991­­Separatists proclaim Kosovo a republic, which is recognized by neighboring Albania. 1992­­lbrahim Rugova, who advocates a peaceful path to independence, elected president of separatist republic. 1996­­Pro-independence rebel Kosovo Liberation Army emerges, claims responsibility for bombing police targets. February 28, 1998­­Militant Kosovo Albanians kill two Serb policemen, leading to police reprisals by Milosevic, now the Yugoslav president. March 1998­­Dozens killed in Serb police action against suspected Albanian separatists. April 1998­­95 percent of Serbs reject international mediation on Kosovo in referendum. International sanctions imposed against Yugoslavia. May 1998­­Milosevic and Rugova hold talks for first time, but Albanian side boycotts further meetings. July and August 1998­­KLA seizes control of 40 percent of Kosovo before being routed in Serb offensive. September 1998­­Serb forces attack central Kosovo, where 22 Albanians found massacred. U.N. Security Council adopts resolution calling for immediate cease-fire and political dialogue. October 1998­­NATO allies authorize airstrikes against Serb military targets, Milosevic agrees to withdraw troops and facilitate the return of tens of thousands of refugees. Belgrade agrees to allow 2,000 unarmed monitors to verify compliance. October-December 1998­­U.S. envoy Christopher Hill tries to broker political settlement. Scattered daily violence undermines fragile truce. December 1998­­Yugoslav troops kill 36 KLA rebels. Six young Serbs killed in a cafe, prompting widespread Serb protests. Fighting in north kills at least 15. January 15, 1999­­45 ethnic Albanians slain outside Racak, spurring international efforts for a peace settlement. January 29, 1999­­Serb police Kill 24 Kosovo Albanians in a raid on a suspected rebel hideout. Western allies demand warring sides attend Kosovo peace conference or face NATO airstrikes. February 6-17, 1999­­First, inconclusive round of talks between Kosovo Albanians and Serbs in Rambouillet, France. February-March 1999­­Yugostav forces sweep through Macedonian border region, digging in across from where thousands of NATO forces gathering for a possible peacekeeping mission, and bombard KLA positions in the north. Rebels launch several attacks on Serbs. March 18, 1999­­Kosovo Albanians unilaterally sign peace deal calling for a broad interim autonomy and 28,000 NATO troops to implement it. Serb delegation refuses and talks suspended. March 20, 1999­­International peace monitors evacuate Kosovo, as Yugoslav forces build up and launch offensives against rebels. NATO aircraft and ships ready for possible bombardments. March 22, 1999­­U.S. special envoy Richard Holbrooke visits Belgrade to warn Milosevic of airstrikes unless he signs peace agreement. Milosevic refuses to allow NATO troops in Yugoslavia. March 23, 1999­­Holbrooke declares the talks have failed. NATO authorizes airstrikes. Yugoslavia declares state of emergency-its first since World War II.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 11: NATO and Peacekeeping: A Simulation

Objectives: The student will be able to: Identify and describe American and NATO interests in the Balkans. Define specific foreign policy goals for the United States based on these interests. Apply principles of sound policy making in a crisis simulation. Materials: Student Handout: Crisis in Vojvodina: A Scenario Procedures and Activities: 1. Review with the following issues with the class: a. The relationship between foreign policy and national interests. b. The basic principles of the Blair Doctrine. c. The differences between a unilateral and a multipolar approach to policy making. 2. Divide the class into small groups of four or five students each, depending on the size of the class. a. Explain to the class that this is a foreign policy simulation exercise and that they are to assume the role of advisors to the President of the United States, where they will be required to suggest a particular foreign policy response to an emerging crisis. b. Direct students to apply the skills in policy making that they have developed during this unit in formulating a policy response. 3. Distribute a copy of the scenario to each group. a. Within their groups, direct students to analyze the scenario, to debate the appropriate course of action based on the questions asked, to reach a consensus on a policy response, and to record their responses for presentation to the class. b. Allow 15 ­ 20 minutes for this activity. c. Direct each group to select a spokesperson to present their findings to the class. 4. Presentations: a. Call on the spokesperson for each group to summarize the issues in the scenario, to define American and/or NATO interests in this region, and to present the policy response decided upon by the group. b. Encourage students in the audience to ask questions clarifying the rationale behind the policy response. c. Ask presenters and/or audience to debate alternative responses to the crisis. 5. Culminating Activity Based on their experiences in the scenario and the policy making issues discussed throughout the unit, direct students to write a comprehensive essay summarizing both the benefits and limitations placed upon American policy makers by participation in international organizations such as NATO.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Crisis in Vojvodina: A Scenario

(This simulation was prepared by Dr. Ray Raymond, Political Officer of the British Consulate General in New York.)

It is July 2001. Over the past year, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has successfully maintained the peace in both Bosnia and Kosovo (there are about 30,000 NATO and other foreign troops in Bosnia, and about 50,000 in Kosovo-the U.S. has about 7,000 in each). Physical and civic rebuilding has been slow; political reconciliation glacial. NATO feels good about its recent successes in the Balkans and in absorbing three new members­Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic­and is moving toward further enlargement to include Romania, Slovenia, and Slovakia. Relations with Russia remain uneasy. A new Russian president­Ivan Stanski­has replaced Boris Yeltsin. A well-connected Russian businessman, who profited greatly by privatization in the 1990s, Stanski has strong ties to Russian nationalists. He is also a graduate of Harvard University's Executive Fellowship Program and is convinced that Russia's future lies in its economic recovery, which requires Western foreign investment. He is still consolidating his position in a continuing struggle between reformers and radical nationalists and communists. In Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic has been ousted from the presidency, leaving a political vacuum for his interim successor, Pavel Drvic. The European Union has finally begun the reconstruction of Serbia, and public sentiment is in a 'wait-and-see' mood. In the Yugoslav province of Vojvodina, however, the ethnic Hungarian majority is increasingly sympathetic to secession from the republic. Ethnic Hungarian leaders have made overtures to Budapest regarding the possibility of becoming part of Hungary. Last week, armed ethnic Hungarian insurgents attacked Yugoslav police headquarter in Novi Sad, killing 20. Belgrade immediately sent armored reinforcements into Vojvodina to sweep the province, vowing to stop separatist uprisings. In one village, 20 ethnic Hungarians suspected of complicity in the attacks were arrested and are feared dead. Hungary--a NATO member--has called for an emergency meeting of the North Atlantic Council (NAC) and is expected to ask that a NATO force be deployed into Vojvodina to block Serb reprisals. The Hungarian Ambassador in NATO has asked to meet with the U.S. Ambassador prior to the NAC. The U.S. Ambassador to NATO has asked for instructions on how to respond. The President of the United States has called a meeting of his national security and foreign policy team in one hour, and you are the leader of this team. He wants recommendations on what position the U.S. and NATO should take. How should the U.S. deal with the situation?

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Are U.S. and/or NATO interests (economic and security) threatened? Does the crisis meet the criteria of the Blair Doctrine for intervention? Is a diplomatic solution possible? Should the U.S. just wait for the conflict to play itself out? What would you recommend to the President?

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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The U.S. and the Muslim World: What Does Islam Explain?

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 12: The Muslim World: Unity and Diversity

Objectives: The student will be able to: Define stereotype. Identify those regions of the world that are primarily Muslim. Explain the five characteristics of culture. Apply the characteristics of culture to the Muslim World. Materials: Student Handout: The Muslim World: The Realm of the Believers Student Handout: Five Characteristics of Culture Desk and wall maps. Procedures and Activities: 1. Using available desk and wall maps, ask students to identify those countries around the world that they believe have a predominantly Muslim population. a. Construct a list of their responses on the chalkboard. b. Of the approximately 6 billion people in the world, ask students to estimate the number who are Muslims. Write their answer on the chalkboard. c. Ask the class to construct a portrait of a "typical" Muslim. d. Explain the concept of stereotype, and ask the class whether the portrait they created may be considered stereotypical. 2. Distribute the student handout The Muslim World: The Realm of the Believers. a. Direct students to read the section entitled Believers Worldwide. b. Ask the class to compare the facts contained in the document to their observations listed on the chalkboard and to identify the differences. c. Direct students to read the section entitled OIC Member States. d. Ask the class to compare the countries listed in the document to the list they have created and to highlight the differences. e. Using available desk or wall maps, direct students to locate the OIC Member states. f. Provide the class with the following statistics. (Source: Information Please Almanac (www.infoplease.com) Islam constitutes 19.4% of the world's population, second only to Christians who number 33.7%. Africa: 308,660,000 Asia: 778,362,000 Europe: 32,032,000 United States: 3,767,000 g. Ask students to evaluate their stereotypical portrait in light of the facts concerning Islam and its believers. 3. Distribute the student handout Five Characteristics of Culture. a. Discuss each characteristic of culture with the class in light of their new knowledge of the extent and diversity of the Muslim world. Emphasize that: Islam is the unifying force in the Muslim world, although there are two major divisions: Sunni (83%) and Shi'ites (16%). Although the secular culture to which Muslims are exposed differs around the globe, the teachings of the Koran are constant. It is the central element in the life of a Muslim. 4. Culminating Activity Direct each student to construct two lists: "What I know about Islam and the Muslim World" and "What I would like to know about Islam and the Muslim World." Ask each student to share their list with the class, and construct a comprehensive list to use as a curricular guide for the remaining portion of the unit.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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The Muslim World The Realm of the Believers

Believers Worldwide There are over 1 billion Muslims worldwide, fewer than one-fifth of whom are Arab. Islam is the principal religion of much of Asia, including Indonesia (which has the world's largest Muslim population), Malaysia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, the Arab states, and Turkey; of Africa, including Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia, Djibouti, Gambia, Guinea, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, with sizable populations also in Chad, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Ghana, Tanzania (where the island of Zanzibar is predominantly Muslim), and Nigeria. Source: Information Please Almanac (www.infoplease.com)

OIC Member

States

As of July 1997 there are now 55 Member States of the Organization of Islamic Countries. The Member States are listed below: Afghanistan Albania Algeria Azerbaijan Bahrain Bangladesh Benin Bosnia and Herzegovina Brunei Darussalam Burkina Faso Cameroon Chad Comoros Djibouti Egypt Eritrea Gabon Ghana Guinea Guinea-Bissau Indonesia Iran (Islamic Republic of) Iraq Jordan Kazakhstan Kuwait Kyrgyzstan Lebanon Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Malaysia Maldives Mali Mauritania Morocco Niger Nigeria Oman Pakistan Palestine (see note) Qatar Saudi Arabia Senegal Sierra Leone Somalia Sudan Syrian Arab Republic Tajikistan Tunisia Turkey Turkmenistan Uganda United Arab Emirates United Republic of Tanzania Uzbekistan Yemen

(Note: Palestine is not recognized by the United States or the United Nations as an independent nation.)

Source: International Islamic University of Malaysia (www.iiu.edu.my/rescentre/dstatmw/index.html)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Five Characteristics of Culture

"Culture is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities acquired by man as a member of society." Edward B. Taylor

Culture is shared.

Culture is shared by a group of people.

Culture is learned.

Among the many sources of learning, the most important is usually parents or family, but playmates, working companions, schools, books, television, and the Internet are all additional sources.

Culture is cumulative.

Knowledge is stored and passed on from one generation to the next, and new knowledge is constantly being added to the existing fund. Each culture has worked out solutions to the basic problems of life, which it then passes on to its children.

Culture is diverse.

There are a great many separate cultures in the global community, each of which is different from the others. Even in the solution of such a basic problem as providing someone to care for children during the years of infancy and youth, there are a great number of workable alternatives. We must be careful to avoid assuming that our way of doing things is the only "practical" or "right" way.

Culture is integrated.

Each culture is a whole, a system with many interdependent parts. Religion, economics, government, social mores, education, communication, transportation, the arts, and many other elements must be considered when attempting to gain a true portrait of a society's culture. The whole must be taken into account, and individual parts cannot be explained until their relationship to the whole is made clear.

Source: Introduction to Culture (Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 13: State and Society: The Influence of Islam

Objectives: The student will be able to: Identify the concept of a "moral compass." List and describe the Five Pillars of Islam. Explain how the Five Pillars of Islam provide a moral compass for both individuals and society in the Muslim world. Identify the goals of Islamic Fundamentalism. Materials: Student Handout: Islam: The Five Pillars of Islam Student Handout: Islam: Selections on Islamic Fundamentalism Procedures and Activities: 1. Write the phrase "moral compass" on the chalkboard. a. Discuss with the class the meaning of the term (i.e. a set of firmly held beliefs that provide direction for personal and societal behavior. Ethical and moral principles.) b. Ask students to provide examples of beliefs and principles that shape America's moral compass. 2. Distribute the student handout entitled Islam: The Five Pillars of Islam. a. Discuss with the class each of the Five Pillars of Islam. b. Ask students to explain how the Five Pillars provide a moral compass and define the "path of righteousness" for individuals in the Muslim world. 3. Distribute the student handout entitled Islam: Selections on Islamic Fundamentalism. a. Direct students to read the section entitled Perceptions. b. Ask students to identify the stereotype about Islamic Fundamentalism contained in the section. c. Direct students to read the section entitled Faith, Family, and Society. d. Ask students to explain how the concept of a "moral compass" is reflected in this section. e. Direct students to read the remaining portions of the handout. f. Ask the class to summarize what the believe to be the ultimate goal of Islamic Fundamentalism. 4. Culminating Activity Direct students to write a summary essay in which they explain how the Five Pillars of Islam provide a moral compass for members of the Muslim community.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Islam The Five Pillars of Islam

FAITH There is no god worthy of worship except God and Muhammad is His messenger. This declaration of faith is called the Shahada, a simple formula which all the faithful pronounce. In Arabic, the first part is la ilaha illa Llah 'there is no god except God'; ilaha (god) can refer to anything which we may be tempted to put in place of God - wealth, power, and the like. Then comes illa Llah: 'except God', the source of all Creation. The second part of the Shahada is Muhammadun rasulu'Llah: 'Muhammad is the messenger of God.' A message of guidance has come through a man like ourselves. Salat is the name for the obligatory prayers which are performed five times a day, and are a direct link between the worshipper and God. There is no hierarchical authority in Islam, and no priests, so the prayers are led by a learned person who knows the Quran, chosen by the congregation. These five prayers contain verses from the Quran, and are said in Arabic, the language of the Revelation, but personal supplication can be offered in one's own language. Prayers are said at dawn, noon, mid-afternoon, sunset and nightfall, and thus determine the rhythm of the entire day. Although it is preferable to worship together in a mosque, a Muslim may pray almost anywhere, such as in fields, offices, factories and universities. Visitors to the Muslim world are struck by the centrality of prayers in daily life. A translation of the Call to Prayer is: God is most great. God is most great. God is most great. God is most great. I testify that there is no god except God. I testify that there is no god except God. I testify that Muhammad is the messenger of God. I testify that Muhammad is the messenger of God. Come to prayer! Come to prayer! Come to success (in this life and the Hereafter)! Come to success! God is most great. God is most great. There is no god except God.

PRAYER

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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ZAKAT

One of the most important principles of Islam is that all things belong to God, and that wealth is therefore held by human beings in trust. The word zakat means both 'purification' and 'growth'. Our possessions are purified by setting aside a proportion for those in need, and, like the pruning of plants, this cutting back balances and encourages new growth. Each Muslim calculates his or her own zakat individually. For most purposes this involves the payment each year of two and a half percent of one's capital. A pious person may also give as much as he or she pleases as sadaqa, and does so preferably in secret. Although this word can be translated as 'voluntary charity' it has a wider meaning. The Prophet said 'even meeting your brother with a cheerful face is charity.' The Prophet said: 'Charity is a necessity for every Muslim. ' He was asked: 'What if a person has nothing?' The Prophet replied: 'He should work with his own hands for his benefit and then give something out of such earnings in charity.' The Companions asked: 'What if he is not able to work?' The Prophet said: 'He should help poor and needy persons.' The Companions further asked 'What if he cannot do even that?' The Prophet said 'He should urge others to do good.' The Companions said 'What if he lacks that also?' The Prophet said 'He should check himself from doing evil. That is also charity.

SAWM

Every year in the month of Ramadan, all Muslims fast from first light until sundown, abstaining from food, drink, and sexual relations. Those who are sick, elderly, or on a journey, and women who are pregnant or nursing are permitted to break the fast and make up an equal number of days later in the year. If they are physically unable to do this, they must feed a needy person for every day missed. Children begin to fast (and to observe the prayer) from puberty, although many start earlier. Although the fast is most beneficial to the health, it is regarded principally as a method of self purification. By cutting oneself off from worldly comforts, even for a short time, a fasting person gains true sympathy with those who go hungry as well as growth in one's spiritual life.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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HAJJ

The annual pilgrimage to Makkah (Mecca)- the Hajj - is an obligation only for those who are physically and financially able to perform it. Nevertheless, about two million people go to Makkah each year from every corner of the globe providing a unique opportunity for those of different nations to meet one another. Although Makkah is always filled with visitors, the annual Hajj begins in the twelfth month of the Islamic year (which is lunar, not solar, so that Hajj and Ramadan fall sometimes in summer, sometimes in winter). Pilgrims wear special clothes: simple garments which strip away distinctions of class and culture, so that all stand equal before God. The rites of the Hajj, which are of Abrahamic origin, include circling the Ka'ba seven times, and going seven times between the mountains of Safa and Marwa as did Hagar during her search for water. Then the pilgrims stand together on the wide plain of Arafa and join in prayers for God's forgiveness, in what is often thought of as a preview of the Last Judgment. In previous centuries the Hajj was an arduous undertaking. Today, however, Saudi Arabia provides millions of people with water, modern transport, and the most up-to-date health facilities. The close of the Hajj is marked by a festival, the Eid al-Adha, which is celebrated with prayers and the exchange of gifts in Muslim communities everywhere. This, and the Eid al-Fitr, a feast-day commemorating the end of Ramadan, are the main festivals of the Muslim calendar.

Source: Islamic City (www.islamic.org)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Islam Selections on Islamic Fundamentalism

Perceptions To the non-Muslim West, Islamic fundamentalism is something of a scandal. It calls for stoning adulterers and hacking off the hands of thieves. It means arranged marriages, multiple spouses (for men only), sexual segregation in schools, women hidden behind veils; in short patriarchy. It invokes a puritanism that forbids alcohol and frowns on female entertainers. ("To hear a woman sing, " according to an ancient Muslim adage, "is like seeing her naked.') At least in theory, it forbids the lending of money at interest­and thus capitalism. In short, it suggests images of societies run by doctrinaire clergy, with no room for freedom of thought, individual behavior or personal expression. Yet if this were all that Islamic fundamentalism meant, it would not be so attractive to the millions of well-educated Muslim youths, many of them schooled in the United States and Europe, who are embracing conservative Islam as a welcome and revolutionary way of life.

Faith, Society, Unlike many religions of the modem West, Islam is a communal faith with a and Family comprehensive way of life that knows no real distinction between public and private, sacred and secular, belief and behavior. The very word "Islam" means "submission" to Allah, who has revealed his will for everything from prayer to personal hygiene, family relations to food. In the Koran and the Hadith (the sayings and life of the Prophet), devout Muslims believe they can discover all they need to know about creating a society pleasing to God, and people worthy of paradise after death. In the sense that the Koran and Hadith pervade the daily lives of Muslims with a frequency and intensity that most Westerners cannot even imagine, most Muslims are fundamentalists. They have a high and demanding concept of social justice as well as of personal purity and integrity. They also have a strong attachment to the extended family and the children Allah has placed in their care. They view as outright barbarism the Western neglect of the family, the permissiveness of Western parents, and the preoccupation with sex and drugs among Western youth. Thus, Westem-educated Muslims often return home anxious to resume traditional Islamic ways. It's a matter of dignity as well as identity.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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The AntiWestern Viewpoint

In many Muslim countries, there is no escaping the West and its corrosive cultural influence. Tunisia, for example, is heavily dependent upon the West for capital investment and, under its secularist president, has adopted many Western ways. Tunisian women, for instance, can divorce their husbands, ignore the veil and hold jobs, which are scarce in Tunisia's weak economy. Western investors have responded by hiring women, rather than men for low-paying textile jobs, thus subverting the male's traditional authority within the Muslim household. Worse, European tourists have invaded Tunisia's sparkling beaches, parading in topless swimsuits and stimulating a brisk trade in alcohol and prostitution. "Working women still raise the children, and they worry themselves sick that their kids will hang out at the beaches and witness what goes on there," observes Lisa Anderson, a Harvard professor just back from a study tour of North African states. "That's why Tunisian women and their husbands are embracing Islamic fundamentalism. Morally and economically they feel robbed of their Islamic values and independence."

Political Change

Islamic fundamentalists have been blaming their ills on the West for centuries. Within the last four decades, fundamentalists have found a new target--Muslim leaders who compromise the integrity of Islam by embracing Western ideas of democracy and secularization that, in effect, reduce Islamic institutions to the marginal status churches have in secularized Western nations. When this happens--as it has in Syria, Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia and pre-revolutionary Iran--such rulers become objects of a new kind of holy war, aimed not at infidels but at themselves as apostate barbarians.

Conclusion

Islamic fundamentalism does not reject the modern world. If anything, the fundamentalists' anti-Western slogans camouflage a disenchantment with Western-style materialism and notions of progress. Muslims want a place in the modern world, and Islamic fundamentalism, in one sense, has become a movement in search of appropriate institutions.

Source: Newsweek (www.newsweek.com)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 14: Politics in the Muslim World

Objectives: The student will be able to: Explain how governments and opposition political movements in the Muslim world use Islam as a tool to either gain or maintain power. Distinguish between rhetoric and realpolitik in state-to-state relations in the Muslim World. Explain how the transnational realm of Pan-Islam reflects the concept that culture is diverse. Classify types of governments represented in the Muslim world. Materials: Student Handout: How to Think About Muslim Politics Procedures and Activities: 1. Distribute the student handout How to Think About Muslim Politics. a. Direct students to read the introduction and the first section of the handout. b. Review with the class the importance of Islam as a social and moral force in the Muslim world. c. Ask students to explain why both existing governments and opposition groups may clothe themselves in the fabric of Islam in order to win political support. d. Direct students to read the second section of the handout. e. Ask students to explain whether Iranian policy as reflected in the section was motivated by power or ideas. f. Direct students to read the third section of the handout. g. Ask students to explain how the transnational realm of Pan-Islam reflects the concept that culture is diverse. 2. Research Activity a. Assign each student one of the OIC member countries, except for Pakistan which will be used as a case study in the next lesson. (See student handout The Muslim World: The Realm of the Believers.) b. Using available library and Internet resources, direct students to conduct research on the type of government (theocratic, military, democracy, dictatorship) the number and nature of opposition parties in the country. An excellent Internet site for basic information is the CIA Factbook (www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook) the extent to which either government or opposition parties use Islam to rally political support behind them. Encourage students to use recent newspaper and magazine articles or to use an Internet search engine such as Yahoo (www.yahoo.com or Megacrawler www.megacrawler.com). 3. Upon completion of research, bring the class together for brief oral presentations. a. Direct each student to summarize their findings for the class. b. Construct a list on the chalkboard for types of governments and types of opposition parties. Highlight those that utilize Islam as a political tool. c. Ask students to analyze the overall results and to hypothesize about the importance of Islam as a political force in the Muslim world. 4. Culminating Activity Direct each student to write an essay to either defend or attack the following hypothesis: Islam can be used as a political tool by various groups to either gain or maintain power. (Emphasize that evidence must be provided from the lesson to support their argument.)

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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How To Think About Muslim Politics

(This article is excerpted from "Rethinking United States Policy toward the Muslim World" by Dr. Augustus Richard Norton. Current History, Vol. 98, No. 625, February 1999, pp. 5-55)

In the two decades since the revolution in Iran, the idea of Islam as a resurgent force in world politics has captured the imagination of large numbers of Muslims, just as it has become an idee fixe of Western foreign policy establishments. There is little question that ideologies rooted in Islam can be a dynamic force for change. Yet Muslims and non-Muslims alike have often exaggerated the coherence of Islam as a political force. Consequently, more attention must be paid to the complex refractions of Muslim politics. There are three distinct but interrelated levels of Muslim politics: The interface of state and society, where governments often exploit Islamic or nationalist symbolism to maintain the consent of the governed, while opposition political movements often deploy competing Islamic or nationalist symbols to build support in society and undermine those in power. A number of authoritarian governments friendly to the United States face credible challenges from reformoriented Islamist opposition movements, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia. In Indonesia, Jordan, Lebanon, Kuwait, and Yemen, Islamist opposition parties are considered legitimate participants in the political system. In sharp contrast, other governments--notably those of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, and, especially, Algeria--have opted for repression. The level of state-to-state relations, where realpolitik pragmatism is frequently camouflaged by idealistic Islamic rhetoric. The Islamic Republic of Iran is a case in point. In 1989, just before his death, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini emphasized that the interests of the state precede the interests of Islam. In the years since, Iran has tilted dramatically toward Christian Armenia in its conflict with Azerbaijan, even though the Azeri people are, like the Iranians, almost entirely Shiite Muslims. This reflects Iran's interest in curtailing any ambitions on the part of Azerbaijan toward the contiguous Azeri region of Iran, which is far more compelling than an ideal of solidarity among Muslims; it also reflects the larger point that the foreign policies of Muslim states are far more affected by geopolitics than by Islamic values. The transnational realm of pan-Islam, where diffuse Islamic themes reveal the complexity of the Muslim world. The transnational realm includes such forums as the Organization of the Islamic Conference, where Muslim governments periodically meet, as they did in December 1997 in Tehran. The 1997 meeting was not only marked by a dramatic juxtaposition of Iranian reformers and hard-liners, but also saw the Muslim states in attendance condemn any form of terrorism. Pan-Islam also includes the new media of global communications. Scholars are only beginning to explore the phenomenon of networks of Muslims communicating over the Internet, where new visions of politics and the fundamentals of Islam are actively debated. These three levels of analysis are of varying significance for the United States. The state-society interface has a direct bearing on the future of a number of key Muslim states, and the inter-state dimension is the traditional province for diplomatists; these two levels are most significant to United States policymaking. As for transnational Islam, however fascinating it may appear, it has fewer policy ramifications at this time.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 15: Pakistan: A Case Study

Objectives: The students will be able to: Apply the five characteristics of culture to Pakistan. Evaluate the role of Islam within Pakistani culture. Describe the type of government and the nature of the opposition parties. st Identify the major issues facing the people of Pakistan at the beginning of the 21 century. Materials: Student Handout: Pakistan: A Portrait Textbook, library, and Internet materials. (Note: Prior to the lesson, the teacher should contact the Embassy of Pakistan, 2315 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20008 for available pamphlets and/or background information. Tel: (202) 939-6205. Fax: (202) 387-0484) Procedures and Activities: 1. Distribute the student handout Pakistan: A Portrait. a. Direct students to read the Background section. b. Review with the class the difference between a Developed country and a LDC. c. Based on the per capita income statistic provided, ask students to classify Pakistan as a Developed country or an LDC and to explain the reasoning for their answer. 2. Direct students to read the section entitled Muhammed Khan. a. Ask students to explain how Muhammed Khan's comments and the information provided in the Background section reveal the influence of both Islam and nationalism in Pakistan. b. Ask students to identify the five major ethnic groups in Pakistan, and to explain the significance of Muhammed Khan's comments on the relative importance of religion, nationality, and ethnicity. 3. Direct students to read the section entitled Problems. a. Ask students to explain how the problem of the "sahib culture" reflects the fact that, although culture is shared, it is also diverse. b. Given the population growth statistic, ask students to explain if it validates or refutes their earlier classification of Pakistan as a Developed country or an LDC. 4. Direct students to read the sections entitled Karachi and Shomaila Loan. a. Ask students to evaluate the information. Are the situations and changes described therein positive or negative? Why? b. Ask students to re-evaluate the information from the perspective of an Islamic Fundamentalist. Are the situations and changes described therein positive or negative? Why? 5. Direct students to read the section entitled Rural Pakistan. a. Ask students to explain why Ayesha covered her face with her shawl as she approached the village. b. Ask students to compare life in Karachi with life in the rural village. How do the differences illustrate that culture is diverse? 6. Direct students to read the section entitled Education. a. Given the literacy statistics, ask students to explain if it validates or refutes their earlier classification of Pakistan as a Developed country or an LDC. b. Ask students to evaluate the teacher's comments. Would they characterize him as optimistic or pessimistic? Why? What do his comments imply about the role of women in Pakistani society? How would an Islamic Fundamentalist respond to his comments? 7. Culminating Activity Direct students to write an essay explaining how Pakistani society and culture reflects the five characteristics of culture and the role of religion and nationalism within the society.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Pakistan: A Portrait

(Excerpted from The Promise of Pakistan by John McCarry. National Geographic. October 1997)

Background

Pakistan is a nation founded on faith. Faith here is a literal faith, a faith in one God, Allah, and in the teachings of his Prophet, Muhammad. But I find there also exists another kind of faith, a deepening faith in the survival of the nation, whose birth was so traumatic. After years of intermittent military rule, Pakistan has had an uninterrupted period of democracy since 1988, when former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto­the first woman to lead an Islamic state­was first elected. In fifty years the idea of Pakistan seems to have touched each of the five major ethnic groups-the Punjabis, Sindhi, Pashtun, Muhajirs, and Baluchi-who make up the country's 140 million people. Nevertheless the sort of economic prosperity that has swept East Asia, creating tigers out of countries like Malaysia and South Korea and Singapore, has yet to find its way to the nations of the subcontinent. While Pakistan's per capita income of $460 is above India's $340, it is well below Thailand's $2,740.

Muhammed Khan

Muhammed Khan, 18, is a Pashtun from the Northwest Frontier Province who recently moved to the city of Karachi. "I am a Muslim first, then I am Pakistani, and then I am a Pashtun," he said. "It was in coming to the city that I learned this. In the village where I am from, our elders are poor farmers. They think in terms of the village, and that's it. They don't look into the future' " He indicated the busy tables around him, where young Pakistanis of all ethnic backgrounds sat together. "Pakistan is our future," he said.

Problems

Nonetheless Pakistan confronts intractable problems, not least of all poverty. The population has increased four fold since independence and continues to grow at around 3 percent a year. What's more, 3.3 million Afghan refugees flooded in during the Soviet occupation of their country-along with countless Soviet and American-made weapons and a heretofore nonexistent heroin trade. Despite the essential egalitarianism of Islam, the official religion, concepts of status and caste, some of which date back thousands of years, still exist. What is termed by critics in the country the "sahib culture," in which the few and privileged hold not only enormous wealth but also inordinate influence, has permitted corruption and cronyism to go unchecked.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Karachi

As the country has grown, so have its cities, most spectacularly Karachi, ballooning from a quiet, provincial settlement in 1947 to a megacity of more than 10 million today. City life has been attended by rising prosperity, expanding educational possibilities, and the breakdown of an age-old system of agriculture. Karachi beckons Pakistanis from every province. Many gravitate to Saddar, the city's nexus for wholesale and retail trade. It is a sprawling configuration of bazaars, where everything from spices to CD-ROMs is bought and sold on a mass scale. Karachi is also a place where women may go about their lives with far fewer constraints than elsewhere in this Muslim country. Karachi women not only run their own businesses but also marry whom they want, get divorced if they want, buy their own homes, and drive their own cars. The anything-goes air is a source of pride for many Karachiites. I recall barely missing death when a yellow taxicab zoomed out of a Saddar intersection. Behind the wheel was a woman dressed entirely in veil. The man standing next to me, who was from the largely tribal (and gender segregated) province of Balochistan, shook his head, smiled, and said, "Ye Karachi hai-That's Karachi for you."

Shomaila Loan

As Shomaila Loan, a young entrepreneur, put it, "Living in Karachi is like

living in London in terms of the freedoms women are allowed." She and her sister, Saima, recently set up a state-of-the-art factory, with machinery imported from Japan, for producing lingerie­a challenging item to bring to market in a traditional Muslim country. A handsome woman fashionably dressed in jeans and a silk blouse, Loan said, "More and more you're seeing middle-class women entering the workplace alongside their brothers to help supplement the family income. These women are finding jobs in what might be considered `seemly' fields by their families­like trade and services, sales and marketing, secretarial work. This is a huge change from ten years ago, when these sorts of job opportunities didn't exist simply because those sectors hadn't begun to develop. Everything in this country changes according to economics."

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Rural Pakistan

Omer Khan and his wife, Ayesha, divide their time between Karachi and Omer's ancestral village. We passed village after village, small, cramped, bazaar-like settlements with lines of open-faced shops on either side of the treacherously pocked road. Passing in either direction was an unending procession of humanity: women with belongings wrapped up in shawls atop their heads, old men in turbans and sarong-like garments called lungi, children running in flocks, lumbering bullock carts and the occasional rusted tractor carrying whole families. When we turned off the main road toward Omer's dehra, or village residence, Ayesha, out of etiquette, covered her face with her shawl. In the fields we could see women stooped at work. I thought it curious that I could see no men around and said so. Ayesha, speaking through her veil, replied, in her Oxbridge intonation, "All the labor is divided. Men do the planting and sowing. Women do the harvesting and gatherings, usually with a baby on the back, a baby in the arms, and a baby in the stomach."

Education

In the context of rural Pakistan, education is a relative term. Taaleem, the expression used in Urdu for "education," signifies not only formal school training but also something close to the English word "knowledge." The word is used repeatedly in the Koran; indeed, one of the essential instructions for all Muslims is to seek knowledge wherever and whenever one can. School enrollment in Pakistan has increased dramatically since independence, with the number of girls at school growing. Still, the overall literacy rate remains low, with only 38 percent of the population able to read and write. Primary schooling remains available to only half the country's children, and secondary schooling to less than one-fifth. Recently many schools have been reprivatized, and new ones like Al-Kasim have been built throughout Pakistan. Fiaz Ahamed Ayaz is a teacher and one of the founders of the Al-Kasim private school. I asked him what, to his mind, were Pakistan's greatest accomplishments in the 50 years of its existence. A serious person, he thought for a moment before answering my question in elaborately enunciated Urdu, so as to display his ease with a tongue that, though Pakistan's language of instruction, is native to only 8 percent of the population. "Before, there was education only in the cities," he replied. "Now we have schools in the countryside too. Before mostly just boys went to school; now girls go to school as well. Women are 50 percent of our population, so men and women should work together to build our nation." What hopes did he have for his students? He worded the reply in his head, then said, "These are my children. My hope is that they will acquire education and with that education help to change this area, to fulfill its needs." And what are the greatest needs of the area? No hesitation this time. "Education," he said.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Lesson 16: Crisis in the Muslim World: A Simulation

Objectives: The student will be able to: Identify and describe American interests in the Middle East. Define specific foreign policy goals for the United States based on these interests. Apply principles of sound policy making in a crisis simulation. Materials: Student Handout: An Iranian Crisis: A Scenario Procedures and Activities: 1. Review with the following issues with the class: a. The power of ideas and beliefs as a motivating force for motivating individual, societal, and governmental behavior. b. The difference between unilateralism and consensus building. c. Hans Morganthau's policy patterns. 4. Divide the class into small groups of four or five students each, depending on the size of the class. a. Explain to the class that this is a foreign policy simulation exercise and that they are to assume the role of advisors to the President of the United States, where they will be required to suggest a particular foreign policy response to an emerging crisis. b. Direct students to apply the skills in policy making that they have developed during this unit in formulating a policy response. 5. Distribute a copy of the scenario to each group. a. Within their groups, direct students to analyze the scenario, to debate the appropriate course of action based on the questions asked, to reach a consensus on a policy response, and to record their responses for presentation to the class. b. Allow 15 ­ 20 minutes for this activity. c. Direct each group to select a spokesperson to present their findings to the class. 6. Presentations: a. Call on the spokesperson for each group to summarize the issues in the scenario, to define American national interests in this region, and to present the policy response decided upon by the group. b. Encourage students in the audience to ask questions clarifying the rationale behind the policy response. c. Ask presenters and/or audience to debate alternative responses to the crisis. 7. Culminating Activity Based on their experiences in the scenarios and the policy making issues discussed throughout the unit, direct students to write a comprehensive essay summarizing the dilemmas faced by American policy makers in intervening in foreign lands.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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An Iranian Crisis: A Scenario

(This scenario was prepared by Dr. Augustus Richard Norton, Professor of International Relations and Anthropology at Boston University.)

Throughout the 1980s, the U.S. government was consumed with facing challenges from Iran. In addition to the seizure of the U.S. embassy in Tehran and the ensuing 444-day imprisonment of U.S. diplomats, the Iran-Contra affair rocked the Reagan administration. Against this background, any dramatic improvement of relations with Iran is going to be hard to achieve. On the other side, even sympathetic Iranian insiders emphasize that an overt initiative to improve ties with Washington will face strenuous opposition. Iran has its own litany of complaints against America, including the downing of an Iranian airbus in the Gulf, extensive support for the Shah and sanctions against Iran, which amount to economic warfare in the eyes of Iranians. Congress views the Islamic Republic as an obstacle to U.S.-led efforts for stability in the region. In addition, Iran's efforts to develop weapons of mass destruction and what is seen as continuing support of terrorism has led Congress to be skeptical of lran's peaceful intentions. The United States aims to isolate Iran so long as it poses a threat to U.S. policy and its goals. Even against this background, both countries have moved, warily and quietly, to improve relations. The waters were tested with two-term President Hashemi Rafsanjani, and it was approvingly noted that Iran behaved very responsibly (and pragmatically) during the Gulf War of 1990-91, despite strenuous challenges within the Majlis (parliament). The significant benchmark was May 1997, when underdog Mohammad Khatami was elected in a landslide. He swept the votes of the youths (the voting age is 16) and women, who are impatient for change and improvement in their conditions. Although the objective conditions of life have not much improved for most Iranians, Khatami is perceived as committed to reform, which is impeded at nearly every step by the old guard of the revolution. Under his presidency, controls on the media and cultural production have been lifted somewhat. There have been many reverses though, including the jailing of a key supporter of Khatami, the reform oriented Tehran Mayor Karbaschi, on corruption charges. In this climate, Khatami has often taken two steps forward, and one back, sometimes even two. His signals to the U.S. have often been mixed. Thus, in January of 1998 he gave a remarkable interview on CNN in which he revealed his knowledge of American colonial history, his condemnation of terrorism and his desire for dialogue (except, not with the U.S. government). Subsequently, he met publicly with leaders of groups that the U.S. government officially describes as terrorists. Behind the scene, both American and European diplomats understand the requirement to move slowly. The U. S. Government has offered a series of positive cues, intended to reinforce Khatami's efforts, while not undermining him domestically. It is well understood that an American embrace of Khatami would be politically disastrous for him.

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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Khatami's opponents suspect his motives and seek to thwart any improvement of ties with the U.S. This is believed to have been the rationale for the arrest of 13 Iranian Jews on spying charges in Shiraz and Isfahan, in March of this year. The arrests have raised serious concerns in the U.S. in many quarters. Concerns have deepened with the recent statements by the head of the judiciary, Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi's, who rejected any suggestion that the arrests constituted a human rights matter: "If we arrest them, try them according to the principles of the judiciary; sentence them and execute the sentence; then are we against human rights?" [The following situation is hypothetical, it is not fact.] Intelligence reports reaching Washington indicate that the thirteen, most of whom are prominent community leaders in Iran, will in fact be tried for spying. The trials are due to convene on Saturday in Shiraz when two of the accused­Nasser Levi Hain and Asher Zadmehr, both community leaders­will face Iranian justice. You are the Iran desk officer at the State department. What should the reaction of the United States be to this development? The Secretary of State would like your recommended course of action in one hour. How should the U.S. deal with the situation?

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Are U.S. interests (economic and security) threatened? Should the U.S. intervene to protect the rights of the accused? Should it act unilaterally? If the U.S. should intervene, what risks are involved? If the U.S. should intervene, how would the intervention be viewed by the rest of the Muslim world? Should the U.S. just wait for the conflict to play itself out? What risks are involved with this option? What course of action would you recommend to the President?

© 1999 World Affairs Council of Pittsburgh · Teaching Contemporary Global Issues, Volume II

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